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by Albert E. McKinley, Charles A. Coulomb, and Armand J. Gerson

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Title: A School History of the Great War

Author: Albert E. McKinley, Charles A. Coulomb, and Armand J. Gerson

Release Date: December 3, 2005 [EBook #17211]

Language: English

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A SCHOOL HISTORY
OF THE GREAT WAR

BY

ALBERT E. McKINLEY, PH.D.
PROFESSOR OF HISTORY, UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA

CHARLES A. COULOMB, PH.D.
DISTRICT SUPERINTENDENT OF SCHOOLS, PHILADELPHIA

AND

ARMAND J. GERSON, PH.D.
DISTRICT SUPERINTENDENT OF SCHOOLS, PHILADELPHIA




Copyright, 1918, by

Albert E. McKinley, Charles A. Coulomb,
and Armand J. Gerson




[Transcriber's Note: Certain characters within this text have been
transcribed using the following scheme:

[=x] is equivalent to x with a macron above it;
[)x] is equivalent to x with a breve above it.]





PREFACE


This brief history of the world's greatest war was prepared upon the
suggestion of the National Board for Historical Service. Its purpose is
to expand into an historical narrative the outline of the study of the
war which the authors prepared for the Board and which was published by
the United States Bureau of Education as Teachers' Leaflet No. 4, in
August, 1918. The arrangement of chapters and the choice of topics have
been largely determined by the various headings in the outline for the
course in grades seven and eight.

The authors trust that the simple presentation here given may aid in
developing a national comprehension of the issues involved in the war;
and they hope it may play some part in preparing the American people for
the solution of the great problems which lie immediately before us.


CONTENTS


CHAPTER

   I. EUROPE BEFORE THE GREAT WAR                                      5

  II. WHY GERMANY WANTED WAR                                          27

 III. GERMAN MILITARISM                                               34

  IV. INTERNATIONAL LAW AND THE HAGUE CONFERENCES                     38

   V. INTERNATIONAL JEALOUSIES AND ALLIANCES                          48

  VI. THE BALKAN STATES                                               59

 VII. THE BEGINNINGS OF THE GREAT WAR                                 67

VIII. THE WAR IN 1914                                                 77

  IX. THE WAR IN 1915                                                 95

   X. THE WAR IN 1916                                                107

  XI. THE WAR IN 1917                                                118

 XII. THE WAR IN 1918                                                135

XIII. THE UNITED STATES IN THE WAR                                   152

 XIV. QUESTIONS OF THE COMING PEACE                                  168

CHRONOLOGY--Principal Events of the War                              181

INDEX                                                                190





A School History of the Great War




CHAPTER I

EUROPE BEFORE THE GREAT WAR


To understand the Great War it is not sufficient to read the daily
happenings of military and naval events as they are told in newspapers
and magazines. We must go back of the facts of to-day and find in
national history and personal ambition the causes of the present
struggle. Years of preparation were necessary before German military
leaders could convert a nation to their views, or get ready the men,
munitions, and transportation for the war they wanted. Conflicts of
races for hundreds of years have made the southeastern part of Europe a
firebrand in international affairs. The course of the Russian revolution
has been determined largely by the history of the Russian people and of
the Russian rulers during the past two centuries. The entrance of
England and Italy into the war against Germany was in each case brought
about by causes which came into existence long before August, 1914. A
person who understands, even in part, the causes of this great
struggle, will be in a better position to realize why America entered
the war and what our nation is fighting for. And better yet, he will be
more ready to take part in settling the many problems of peace which
must come after the war is over. For these reasons, the first few
chapters of this book are devoted to a study of the important facts of
recent European history.

[Illustration: EUROPE IN 1913]

A HUNDRED YEARS AGO.--It is remarkable that almost exactly a century
before the present world war, Europe was engaged in a somewhat similar
struggle to prevent an ambitious French general, Napoleon Bonaparte,
from becoming the ruler of all that continent, and of America as well.
He had conquered or intimidated nearly all the states of
Europe--Austria, Prussia, Russia, Spain, etc.--except Great Britain. He
once planned a great settlement on the Mississippi River, and so alarmed
President Jefferson that the latter said the United States might be
compelled to "marry themselves to the British fleet and nation." But
England's navy kept control of the seas; Napoleon's colony in North
America was never founded; and at last the peoples of Europe rose
against their conqueror, and in the battle of Waterloo, June 18, 1815,
finally overthrew him.

EUROPE SINCE 1815.--After the downfall of Napoleon the rulers of
Europe met in conference at Vienna and sought to restore conditions as
they had been before the war. They were particularly anxious that the
great masses of the people in their several nations should continue to
respect what was termed "the divine right of kings to rule over their
subjects." They did not, except in Great Britain, believe in
representative governments. They feared free speech and independent
newspapers and liberal educational institutions. They hated all kinds of
popular movements by which the inhabitants of any country might throw
off the monarch's yoke and secure a share in their own government. For
over thirty years the "Holy Allies,"--the name applied to the monarchs
of Austria, Prussia, and Russia,--succeeded tolerably well in keeping
the peoples in subjection. But they had many difficulties to face, and
after 1848 their policy was largely given up.

DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENTS.--During the nineteenth century the people of
Europe were restive under the rule of kings, and gradually governments
controlled in greater or less degree by the people were established.
Almost every decade saw popular uprisings in some of the European
states. About 1820 insurrections occurred in Greece, in Spain, and in
southern Italy; and the Spanish American colonies revolted from the
mother country. In 1830 popular uprisings took place in France, Belgium,
Germany, Poland, and other places. In 1848 a far more serious movement
occurred, which overthrew the French monarchy and established a
republic. From France the flame of liberty lighted fires of insurrection
in Germany, Austria, Poland, and Italy. Similar attempts were made at
later times. As a result of these popular uprisings and of the growing
education of all classes of the people, manhood suffrage and
representative institutions were established in most of the European
states.

NATIONAL ASPIRATIONS.--The Holy Allies had refused to recognize the
right of nations to independent existence. They had bartered peoples and
provinces "as if they were chattels and pawns in a game." But when the
peoples tried to found democratic governments, they often discovered
that the quickest and surest way was to unite under one government all
who belonged to a given nationality. Thus the last hundred years in
Europe has witnessed the erection of a number of new national states
created by throwing off the yoke of some foreign ruler. Among the new
nations thus established were (1) Belgium, freed from the kingdom of
Holland; (2) Greece, Serbia, Roumania, Bulgaria, and Albania, freed from
Turkish rule; (3) Italy, united out of territories controlled by petty
sovereigns and Austrian rulers; (4) Norway, separated from Sweden. The
same period saw also the unification of a number of German states into
the German Empire. But during this time several races were unsuccessful
in obtaining independence, among which we may note the Poles (in Russia,
Prussia, and Austria), the Czechs (checks), or Bohemians (in northern
Austria), the Finns (in the northwestern part of the Russian Empire),
and the Slavic people in the southern part of Austria-Hungary.

INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT.--The nineteenth century was not only a period
of political change in Europe. It was also a time of great changes in
the general welfare of the people. It witnessed a remarkable alteration
in everyday employments and habits. In 1800 a great part of the
population was engaged in agriculture. Manufacturing and commerce were
looked upon as of minor importance. The goods that were produced were
made by hand labor in the workman's own home. Beginning first in England
about 1750 and extending to the Continent between 1820 and 1860, there
came a great industrial change. The steam engine was applied to
spinning, weaving, and countless other operations which previously had
been performed by hand. Steam engines could not of course be installed
in every small cottage; hence a number of machines were put in one
factory to be run by one steam engine. The workers left their small huts
and gardens in the country and came to live in towns and cities. After
the steam engine came steam transportation on land and water. Then
followed an enormous demand for coal, iron, steel, and other metals.
More goods could be produced in the factories than were needed for the
people at home. Hence arose more extended commerce and the search for
foreign markets.

COLONIAL EXPANSION.--In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
Spain, Portugal, France, and England settled the American continents and
parts of Asia. By a series of wars in the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries the Dutch secured part of the possessions of Spain and
Portugal; and England obtained almost all of the French colonial
territories. In the eighteenth century the thirteen English colonies on
the Atlantic seaboard made good their independence; and in the
nineteenth, Spain lost all of her vast possessions in America. During
the early nineteenth century, Great Britain, in spite of the loss of the
thirteen colonies, was by far the most successful colonizing country,
and her possessions were to be found in Canada, India, the East and West
Indies, Australia, and Africa.

Leaders of other nations in Europe thought these colonies of Great
Britain were the cause of her wealth and prosperity. Naturally they too
tried to found colonies in those parts of the world not occupied by
Europeans. They hoped by this means to extend their power, to find homes
for their surplus population, and to obtain markets for their new
manufactured goods. Thus Africa was parceled out among France, Germany,
Great Britain, Portugal, Belgium, Spain, and Italy. The islands of the
Pacific were seized in the same manner. Proposals for a partition of
China were made by Germany, Russia, Japan, France, and Great Britain;
and if it had not been for the American demands for the "open door of
trade" and for the "territorial integrity" of China, that nation
probably would have shared the fate of Africa. The noteworthy fact about
this rivalry for colonies is that almost the entire world, except China
and Japan, came under the domination of Europeans and their descendants.

Having noted a few general features of European history during the
nineteenth century, we shall now take up in turn each of the more
important countries.

GERMANY.--After the overthrow of Napoleon, a German Confederation was
formed. This comprised thirty-nine states which were bound to each other
by a very weak tie. The union was not so strong even as that in our own
country under the Articles of Confederation. But there were two states
in the German Confederation which were far stronger than any of the
others; these were Austria and Prussia. Austria had been a great power
in German and European affairs for centuries; but her rulers were now
incompetent and corrupt. Prussia, on the other hand, was an upstart,
whose strength lay in universal military service. As the century
progressed, the influence of Prussia became greater; and the jealousy of
Austria grew proportionately. Bismarck, the Prussian prime minister,
adopted a policy of "blood and iron." By this he meant that Prussia
would attain the objects of her ambition by means of war. Under his
guidance she would intimidate or conquer the other German states and
force them into trade and commercial agreements, or annex their
territory to that of Prussia.

Bismarck looked for success only to the army. With the king back of him,
he defied the people's representatives, ignored the Prussian
constitution, and purposely picked quarrels with his neighbors. In 1866,
in a brief war of seven weeks, Austria was hopelessly defeated and
forced to retire from the German Confederation. In 1870, when he felt
sure of his military preparations, Bismarck altered a telegram and thus
brought on a war with France. The Franco-Prussian War lasted only a few
months; but in that time the French were thoroughly defeated. Many
important results followed the war: (1) The German states, influenced by
the patriotic excitement of a successful war, founded the German Empire,
with Prussia in the leading position, and the Prussian king as German
emperor or "Kaiser." (2) A huge indemnity of one billion dollars was
exacted by Prussia from France, and this money, deposited in the German
banks and loaned to individuals, played a large part in expanding the
manufactures and commerce of Germany. (3) Prussia took away from France,
against the wishes of the inhabitants, the provinces called
Alsace-Lorraine. This "wrong done to France," as President Wilson has
said, "unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years." (4) The
French people carried through a revolution and established a
republic--for the third time in their history--which has continued down
to the present.

After 1870 Germany made remarkable material progress. By 1911 her
population had grown from 41,000,000 to 65,000,000. Her coal and iron
production in 1911 was eight times as much as in 1871. In wealth,
commerce, coal production, and textile industries, among European
countries, Germany was second only to Great Britain; while in the
production of iron and steel Germany had passed Great Britain and was
second only to the United States.

But this great industrial and commercial advance was not accompanied
with a corresponding liberality in government. The constitution of the
German Empire gave very large powers to the emperor, and very little
power to the representatives of the people. Prussia, the dominant state
in the empire, had an antiquated system of voting which rated men's
votes according to the taxes they paid, and placed political power in
the hands of a small number of capitalists and wealthy landowners,
especially the Junkers (yoong´kerz), or Prussian nobles. The educational
system, while giving a rudimentary education to all, was really designed
to keep large masses of the people subject to the military group, the
government officials, and the capitalists. Blind devotion to the emperor
and belief in the necessity of future war in order to increase German
prosperity, were widely taught. The "mailed fist" was clenched, and "the
shining sword" rattled in the scabbard whenever Germany thought the
other nations of Europe showed her a lack of respect. Enormous
preparations for war were made in order that Germany might gain from her
neighbors the "place in the sun" which she was determined upon. Other
nations were to be pushed aside or be broken to pieces in order that the
German "super-men" might enjoy all that they wished of this world's
goods and possessions.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY.--The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in 1910 had a
population of 49,000,000, made up of peoples and races who spoke
different languages and had different customs, habits, and ideals. These
races, instead of being brought under unifying influences as foreigners
are in the United States, had for centuries retained their
peculiarities. Germans comprised 24 per cent of the total population;
Hungarians, 20 per cent; Slavic races (including Bohemians, Poles, South
Slavs, and others), 45 per cent; Roumanians, over 6 per cent; and
Italians less than 2 per cent. The Germans and Hungarians, although only
a minority of the total population, had long exercised political control
over the others and by repressive measures had tried to stamp out their
schools, newspapers, and languages. Unrest was continuous during the
nineteenth century; and the rise of the independent states of Serbia,
Roumania, and Bulgaria tended to make the Slavic and Roumanian
inhabitants of Austria-Hungary dissatisfied with their own position.

After 1815 the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy continued under the rule of the
royal family of Hapsburgs, whose proud history extends back to the
fifteenth century. Austria (but not Hungary) was part of the German
Confederation, and her representative had the right of presiding at all
meetings of the confederation. Between 1815 and 1848 the Austrian
emperor and his Prime minister were the leaders in opposition to popular
government and national aspirations. But in 1848 a serious uprising
took place, and it seemed for a time that the diverse peoples would fly
apart from each other and establish separate states. The emperor
abdicated and his prime minister fled to England. Francis Joseph, the
young heir to the throne, with the aid of experienced military leaders
succeeded in suppressing the rebellion. For sixty-eight years
(1848-1916) he was personally popular and held together the composite
state.

In 1866 Austria was driven out of the German Confederation by Prussia.
Seven years earlier she had lost most of her Italian possessions.
Thereafter her interests and ambitions lay to the southeast; and she
bent her energies to extend her territory, influence, and commerce into
the Balkan region. A semblance of popular government was established in
Austria and in Hungary, which were separated from each other in ordinary
affairs, but continued under the same monarch. In each country, however,
the suffrage and elections were so juggled that the ruling minority, of
Germans in Austria and of Hungarians in Hungary, was enabled to keep the
majority in subjection.

Austria-Hungary has not progressed as rapidly in industry and commerce
as the countries to the north and west of her. Her life is still largely
agricultural, and cultivation is often conducted by primitive methods.
Before the war her wealth per person was only $500, as compared with
$1843 in the United States, $1849 in Great Britain, $1250 in France, and
$1230 in Germany. She possessed only one good seaport, Trieste
(tr[)i]-[)e]st´), and this partly explained her desire to obtain access to
the Black Sea and the Ægean Sea. About half of her foreign trade was
carried on with Germany. The low standards of national wealth and
production made the raising of taxes a difficult matter. The government
had a serious struggle to obtain the funds for a large military and
naval program.

ITALY.--For a thousand years before 1870 there was no single
government for the entire Italian peninsula. Although the people were
mainly of one race, their territory was divided into small states ruled
by despotic princes, who were sometimes of Italian families, but more
often were foreigners--Greeks, Germans, French, Spanish, and Austrians.
The Pope, head of the Roman Catholic Church, governed nearly one third
of the land. This condition continued after 1815. But during the
nineteenth century the Italians began to realize that they belonged to
one race. They saw that the rule of foreigners was opposed to the
national welfare.

By 1870 the union of all Italy into one kingdom was completed. In this
work three great men participated, as well as many lesser patriots. The
first was Garibal´di, a man of intense courage and patriotism. He
aroused the young men of Italy to the need of national union and the
expulsion of the foreigners. For over thirty years he was engaged in
various military expeditions which aided greatly in the establishment of
the national union. The second leader was of an entirely different
character. Count Cavour (ka-voor´) was a statesman, a politician, a
deep student of European history, and a man of great tact. He, too,
wished for a united Italy, but he believed union could not be gained
without foreign assistance. By most skillful means he secured the
support of France and of England, while at the same time he used
Garibaldi and his revolutionists. He had succeeded, at the time of his
death in 1861, in bringing together all of Italy except Rome and Venice.
He won for the new Italian kingdom a place among the great nations of
Europe.

The third great Italian was Victor Emman´uel, king of Sardinia. He
approved of a limited monarchy, like that of England, instead of the
corrupt despotisms which existed in most of the Italian peninsula. He
knew how to use men like Cavour and Garibaldi to achieve the national
ambitions. By a popular vote in each part of Italy Victor Emmanuel was
accepted as king of the united nation. The country was not ready for a
republic; but Victor Emmanuel proved a wise national leader, willing to
reign, according to a written constitution under which the people's
representatives had the determining voice in the government. In 1870 the
king entered Rome and early the next year proclaimed the city to be the
capital of Italy.

BELGIUM.--The country we now know as Belgium has had a very checkered
history. At one time or another it has been controlled by German,
French, Spanish, and Austrian rulers. At the opening of the nineteenth
century it was annexed to the kingdom of Holland (1815). But a revolt
took place in 1830, and the Belgians separated from the Dutch and chose
a king for themselves. Their constitution declares that the government
is a "constitutional, representative, and hereditary monarchy." The
government is largely in the control of the people or their
representatives. There is one voter for every five persons in the
population, nearly the same proportion as in the United States. In 1839
the principal states of Europe agreed to recognize Belgium's
independence, and in case of war among themselves to treat her territory
as neutral land, not to be invaded. This treaty was signed by Prussia as
well as by Austria, France, Great Britain, and Russia. The treaty was
again acknowledged by Prussia in 1870. It was in violation of these
treaties, as we shall see, that Prussian and other German troops invaded
Belgium on August 4, 1914.

FRANCE.--In 1789 France entered upon a period of revolution. The old
monarchy was shortly overthrown, and with it went aristocracy and all
the inequalities of the Middle Ages. A republic, however, did not long
endure; and Napoleon Bonaparte used his position as a successful general
to establish a new monarchy called the French Empire. After Napoleon's
downfall, the allied monarchs of Europe restored the old line of kings
in France. But the country had outgrown despotism. A revolution in 1830
deposed one king and set up another who was ready to rule under the
terms of a constitution. In 1848 this monarchy was displaced and the
second French republic was established. But again a Bonaparte, nephew of
Napoleon I, seized the government and established a second empire,
calling himself Napoleon III. He aped the ways of his great predecessor
and tried by foreign conquest or annexation in Africa, Italy, and Mexico
to dazzle the French people. But he was never popular, and his reign
closed in the defeat and disgrace of the Franco-Prussian War (1870-71),
for which he was partly responsible.

The third French republic was proclaimed in 1870 and is the present
government of the country. Under the constitution there is a senate, the
members of which are elected for nine years, and a lower house, elected
for four years. The president is chosen by these two houses of the
legislature for a term of seven years. No member of the old royal
families may become president of the republic. The president of France
does not possess nearly so much power as the president of the United
States. Many of the executive duties are performed by the premier, or
prime minister, and other cabinet ministers.

Republican France has become one of the great nations of the world, and
its democratic institutions are firmly rooted in the hearts of the
people. It has been compelled to face German militarism by erecting a
system of universal military training. The patriotism and self-sacrifice
of all classes during the Great War have been beyond praise.

GREAT BRITAIN.--During the nineteenth century Great Britain did not
experience any of the sudden revolutions which appeared in nearly every
other country of Europe. For centuries England, Scotland, and Ireland
had possessed representative institutions. When reforms were needed,
they were adopted gradually, by the natural process of lawmaking,
instead of resulting from rebellion and revolt. In this way Great
Britain had been changed from an aristocratic government to one founded
on democratic principles. By 1884 the suffrage was nearly as extensive
as in the United States. Parliament became as truly representative of
the people's will as our American Congress. Far-reaching social reforms
were adopted which advanced the general welfare. Among these reforms
were acts for improving housing conditions, regulating hours of labor
and use of machinery in factories, and establishing a national insurance
system, old-age pensions, and compensation to injured workmen.

Great Britain was the first nation to experience the advantages and
disadvantages of the new age of coal and iron, and the new methods of
factory production. Her wealth and commerce grew at a rapid rate, and
she invested her profits in enterprises in many parts of the world. The
factory system drew so many workers from the farms, that Great Britain
no longer raised sufficient food for her population. She became
dependent upon the United States, Australia, South America, and other
lands for wheat, meat, and other necessaries of life. Her merchant
vessels were to be found in all parts of the world; and her navy was
increased from year to year to protect her commerce and colonies. From
now on it became evident that England's existence depended upon her
ships. If in time of war she lost control of the seas the enemy could
starve her into submission. Hence during the nineteenth century Great
Britain's policy was to maintain a fleet stronger than that of any
possible combination against her.

England's colonial system had been developed into a great empire.
Principles of English liberty and representative government were carried
by Britishers to many parts of the world. The American Revolution showed
the mother country that Englishmen would not brook oppression even by
their own king and parliament. During the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries England adopted the policy of erecting her colonies into
self-governing communities. Thus the separate colonies in Canada, in
Australia, and in South Africa were grouped in each case into a federal
government, somewhat similar to that of the United States, and three
great British democracies were formed within the boundaries of the
empire. So successful has been the British system of colonial government
that there has been virtually no question of loyalty during the Great
War. All parts of the dominions have contributed in men and money to the
common cause, and frequent imperial war conferences have been held in
London. In these conferences representatives from the colonies and the
mother country have joined in the discussion of important imperial
questions.

TURKEY AND THE BALKANS.--In 1453 the Turks captured Constantinople.
Thereafter their power was rapidly extended in southeastern Europe and
for several centuries they were the dominant power in the Balkan
peninsula. During this time they overran Hungary and invaded Austria up
to the walls of Vienna. They subjugated Greece and all the lands now
included in Serbia, Roumania, Bulgaria, Albania, as well as a number of
near-by Austrian, Hungarian, and Russian provinces.

Many diverse races were included within the Turkish dominions. They
differed among themselves in language, religion, and culture. The Turks
were Mohammedans, while their subject peoples in Europe were mainly
Christians belonging to the Greek Orthodox Church.

First driven out of Hungary and Russia during the eighteenth century,
the Turks lost nearly all their European possessions in the nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries. The subject peoples had kept their
national traditions and customs and from time to time they aimed at
independence. The Turkish rule was oppressive and at times its methods
were barbarous. If there had been no jealousies among the great European
powers, it is probable that Russia would have occupied Constantinople
long ago. The other powers, fearing this might make Russia too strong,
interfered on several occasions to prevent such an occupation. But the
powers could not prevent the smaller nationalities from attaining their
independence from Turkey. Greece, Serbia, Roumania, Bulgaria, and
Albania were freed from the rule of the "unspeakable Turk" and erected
into independent kingdoms at various times between 1829 and 1913. Of her
great empire in Europe, Turkey retained, at the outbreak of the Great
War, an area of less than 11,000 square miles (less than the area of the
state of Maryland), and a population of 1,890,000, which was almost
altogether resident in the two cities of Constantinople and Adrianople.

RUSSIA.--In 1914 Russia was an empire occupying one seventh of the
land area of the world and inhabited by about 180,000,000 people. During
the nineteenth century the country was ruled by absolute monarchs called
czars, under whom political and social conditions were corrupt and
oppressive. However, some progress was made during the century. Serfdom
or slavery was abolished from 1861 to 1866; restraints upon newspapers,
publishers, and schools were partly withdrawn. Natural resources were
developed, factories established, and railroads built. But these
measures only served to whet the appetite of the people for more liberal
government. The activities of revolutionists and reformers were met by
most severe measures on the part of the government. Thousands were
transported to Siberia and many were executed. Even as late as 1903
five thousand persons were imprisoned, exiled, or executed for political
activity against the Czar's government. An attempt of the people to
force a representative government upon the Czar failed after a seeming
success in 1905-1906; for the Duma, or legislative assembly, then
created was given little power.

Russia has not been fortunate in her relations with the neighboring
states. Her great ambition, the occupation of Constantinople, was
repeatedly balked by other countries. In an attempt to obtain an
ice-free harbor on the Pacific, Russia brought on the Russo-Japanese War
of 1904-1905, in which she was disastrously defeated. In another
direction Russia was more successful. She posed as the protector of the
Slavic provinces under Turkish rule and saw the day when nearly all of
them were free.

Russia is a country of vast territory, enormous population, and
unbounded natural resources. But before the war it had no experience in
self-government. Its land and mineral resources were not used for
national purposes. A small governing class, with the Czar at the head,
controlled its tremendous powers and wealth. Naturally, when an
insurrection is successful against such a government, the people lose
all self-control and go to great extremes. Liberty and self-government
succeed only when all the people are willing to abide by the laws made
by the majority. May this time soon come for Russia!

    SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY.--1. Look up facts concerning
    Napoleon Bonaparte, Gladstone, Bismarck, Cavour, Garibaldi,
    Victor Emmanuel I. 2. On outline maps of the world show the
    principal colonial possessions of Great Britain, France,
    Germany, Italy, Belgium, and Holland. 3. Show on an outline
    map of Europe the location of peoples that had not attained
    to national independence before 1914. 4. Compare the size and
    population of the European countries with your own state in
    the American Union. 5. How far did the people in European
    countries possess a share in their government in 1914? 6.
    Look up in detail the government of Germany.

    REFERENCES.--For facts such as those mentioned above see
    the _World Almanac_, the _Statesman's Yearbook_, and any good
    encyclopedia. For Germany, see Hazen, _The Government of
    Germany_, published by the Committee on Public Information,
    Washington, D.C.[1] Reference may also be made to Harding's
    _New Medieval and Modern History_ or to other histories of
    Europe.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] Hereafter the publications of the Committee on Public Information
are indicated as follows: (C.P.I.).




CHAPTER II

WHY GERMANY WANTED WAR


It would be impossible to make a list of all the causes which led
Germany from time to time to take such action as would tend to force war
on one or another of the nations of Europe. For besides questions of
national honor or of national rights there were the writings of German
philosophers, historians, and scientists, a great majority of whom
maintained that war was a necessity if men were to continue to live in
large groups or societies. These writers were chiefly Prussian, but
Prussia, including more than half of Germany, dominated the rest of the
empire through the organization of its government. The following
paragraphs present what seem to be the chief reasons why Germany, and
especially Prussia, wanted war.

WAR AS A PROFITABLE BUSINESS.--According to those German writers there
are two results from a successful war. First, the victors take more or
less territory from the vanquished; second, the victors may demand a
large sum of money, called an indemnity, from the defeated people, who
thus have to pay their conquerors for having taken the trouble to defeat
them.

In both of these instances the result is advantageous to the winner of
the war, and particularly to the governing class of that nation. Through
the taxes from the new territory more money flows into the national
treasury, and a great many new officials must be appointed. These, of
course, for many years are appointed by the rulers of the victorious
nation. Besides this not only do we find new markets opened up for the
manufacturers and merchants, but the conquered territory frequently
contains great stores of raw materials. In both cases the goods can now
pass to and fro without the drawbacks of possible embargoes or import
taxes which interfere with the freedom of trade. This is well
illustrated by the results of the seizure of part of Lorraine by Germany
from France in 1870. Lorraine contains great stores of coal and iron
ore. These Germany wanted. So that part of Lorraine was demanded which
would give to Germany rich mines of coal and iron. Some other ore
deposits, which could not be easily utilized, she left to France. Not
long afterwards a new process for making iron was discovered which made
the French deposits more valuable than those Germany had taken.
Undoubtedly one of the reasons for the present war was that Germany
wished to increase her national wealth by seizing the iron mines that
had become so valuable.

Many times before 1870 the Prussians had made large gains, in the way of
increased territory and prestige, by means of war. It was the boast of
many Prussian kings that each one of them had added to the lands over
which he ruled. In almost every instance this increase was due to a
successful war, enabling the king of Prussia to seize territory which
did not belong to him.

The indemnity which may be collected from a conquered nation is also a
source of profit to the conqueror. The money is deposited by the
government in banks, which thus have large sums ready to lend to
manufacturers and merchants who wish to increase their business. The
result of this is a great stimulation of manufactures and commerce. In
the case of Germany, the effect on industry of the $1,000,000,000 of
indemnity which she received from France following the Franco-Prussian
war was so great that Germany was soon manufacturing more than her
people could consume, and German commercial agents spread all over the
globe seeking to find profitable customers for the surplus.

On the other hand, the German leaders have failed to realize that the
destruction of men and materials in war is always a great national loss.
In the case of a long war, the losses from these causes may, even for
the victors, overbalance any advantage which may be secured in the way
of territory or money from the vanquished nation.

GERMANY WANTED LAND FROM HER NEIGHBORS.--The present war was largely
the result of Germany's desire to secure territory. The territory that
was particularly wanted was in a number of different places.

In the first place, Germany coveted the rest of the iron mines which she
had made the mistake (from her point of view) of letting France keep in
1870. These are located along the northeast frontier of France, about
half a dozen miles from the boundary. Germany wanted also the greater
part of Belgium, because it has valuable iron ore deposits, and
especially because it has great deposits of coal. It has been said that
without these mines of Belgian coal and of French iron, which Germany
seized at the very beginning of the war, she would soon have had to give
up the fight.

In the second place, Germany's only ports are on the shallow north
coast, and the channels are intricate and difficult of navigation. These
ports are inconveniently situated for exports from Germany's chief
manufacturing region, the lower Rhine valley. The best ports for western
Germany are Antwerp, in Belgium, and Rotterdam, in Holland. Germany
wanted a port toward the west through which she could more conveniently
reach her customers in North and South America and elsewhere. It is
interesting to notice that the river Scheldt (skelt), on which Antwerp
is situated, passes through Holland on its way to the sea. Even if
Germany secured Belgium this would not give her control of the Antwerp
outlet nor would it give her Rotterdam. It is certain that eventual
domination of Holland was part of Germany's plan.

Germany wanted that part of Russia which was along the Baltic Sea. The
part of Germany adjoining this, called East Prussia, is the stronghold
of the Prussian Junkers, or landed nobility. These people already own
great estates in the Baltic provinces of Russia. Germany wished to
govern this German-owned land and provide a place to which her surplus
population could emigrate and still be in German territory. The Junkers
were especially anxious for this to come about as it would greatly
increase their power in Germany.

"Pan-Germanists" is the name given to a group of German leaders who
aimed especially to bring all German-speaking peoples into the German
Empire. In general, however, the same leaders aimed to bring under
German control all the districts that have been mentioned above,
together with the Balkan states and other lands.

GERMANY WANTED MORE COLONIES.--Germany's commercial expansion came
after most of the world had been divided among the other nations. She
thought she must have more colonies to provide her with raw materials
and to give her markets for some of her surplus manufactures. Other
reasons why Germany wanted colonies were that she might obtain more
food, and that she might establish coaling stations for her navy, so
that it could protect her commerce, especially her food-carrying ships.
As the war has shown, Germany can hardly produce a full supply of food
for her own people.

The easiest way to get colonies seemed to be by making war against some
nation that already possessed them, in the hope that a victorious
Germany could seize the colonies she desired. On the other hand, without
war, she had gained some large colonies and was assured of others in
Africa, and she had secured a prevailing influence over the immense
domains of Turkey in Asia. By 1914 the Germans had more than half
completed a railroad through Turkey to the Persian Gulf, and expected
soon to dominate the eastern trade by the Berlin-Bagdad route.

[Illustration: THE BERLIN-BAGDAD RAILWAY]

GERMANY WANTED "A PLACE IN THE SUN."--Germany was acknowledged to be
the strongest nation in continental Europe. Her position as a world
power, however, was disputed by Great Britain, both by reason of the
latter's control of the sea through her enormous fleet, and by reason of
Great Britain's numerous colonies all over the world. It was galling to
German pride to have to coal her ships at English coaling stations. She
wanted stations of her own. By bringing on a war that would humble
France to the dust and make Belgium a part of Germany, thus giving her a
chance to seize the colonies of France and Belgium, Germany would at
once attain a position in the world's affairs which would enable her to
challenge the power of any nation on earth.

THE SURVIVAL OF THE FITTEST.--German thinkers carried to an extreme
the theory of the survival of the fittest. This doctrine teaches that
all living things have reached their present forms through a gradual
development of those qualities which best fit them to live in their
present surroundings. Those that are best adapted live on, and produce a
new generation that are also well fitted to survive. Those that are not
fitted to their surroundings soon give up the struggle and die. The
Germans applied this same belief to nations, and claimed that only those
nations survived that could successfully meet world conditions. They
believed that war was an inevitable world condition, and that that
nation would survive that was best able to fight. They believed in war,
because they believed that just as nature removes the weak animal or
plant by an early death, so the weak nation should pay the penalty of
its weakness by being defeated in war and absorbed by the stronger one.
War would prove which nation was the most nearly perfect. The Germans
had no doubt that this nation was Germany. Acceptance of this belief by
the German people had much to do with bringing on the present war.

GERMANY WANTED TO GERMANIZE THE WORLD.--As a result of the reasoning
outlined in the last paragraph, German writers taught that those things
which were German--their speech, their literature, their religion,
their armies, in short the manners, customs, and thoughts of the
Germans--were the best possible manners, and customs, and thoughts.
These things all taken together are what is meant by _Kultur_
(kool-toor´),--not merely "culture" as the latter word is generally
used.

Since the Germans believed that their _Kultur_ was the highest stage of
human progress, the next step, according to the view of their leaders,
would be to Germanize all the rest of the nations of the earth by
imposing German _Kultur_ upon them. If possible, this was to be brought
about with the consent of the other nations; if not, then it was to be
imposed by force.

    SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY.--1. Locate Antwerp, Rotterdam,
    Hamburg, Bremen, East Prussia, Alsace-Lorraine. 2. Show on an
    outline map the regions which Germany desired to control. Who
    would have suffered? 3. If all countries adopted the German
    idea of war what would be the condition of the world? 4. Has
    any nation the right to impose its rule upon another people
    because it believes its own ideals are the only true ones?

    REFERENCES.--See page 26; also _Conquest and Kultur_
    (C.P.I.); _War Cyclopedia_ (C.P.I.), under the headings
    "German Military Autocracy" and "Pan-Germanism."




CHAPTER III

GERMAN MILITARISM


WHAT IS MILITARISM?--Militarism has been defined as "a policy which
maintains huge standing armies for purposes of aggression." It should be
noticed that the mere fact that a nation, through universal
conscription, maintains a large standing army in times of peace does not
convict it of militarism. Every one of the great European powers except
England maintained such an army, and yet Germany was the only one that
we can say had a militaristic government.

A more narrow definition of militarism is that form of government in
which the military power is in control, and with the slightest excuse
can and does override the civil authority. This had been the situation
in Germany for many years before the outbreak of the Great War.

Let us take a glance at the development of this sort of government.
After Napoleon conquered Prussia, early in the nineteenth century, one
of the conditions of peace was that Prussia should reduce her army to
not more than forty-two thousand men. In order that the country should
not again be so easily conquered, the king of Prussia enrolled the
permitted number of men for one year, then dismissed that group, and
enrolled another of the same size, and so on. Thus, in the course of ten
years, it would be possible for him to gather an army of four hundred
thousand men who had had at least one year of military training.

The officers of the army were drawn almost entirely from among the
land-owning nobility. The result was that there was gradually built up a
large class of military officers on the one hand, and, on the other, a
much larger class, the rank and file of the army. These men had become
used, in the army, to obeying implicitly all the commands of the
officers.

This led to several results. Since the officer class furnished also most
of the officials for the civil administration of the country, the
interests of the army came to be considered the same as the interests of
the country as a whole. A second result was that the governing class
desired to continue a system which gave them so much power over the
common people. We should perhaps consider as a third result the fact
that the possession of such a splendid and efficient military machine
tended to make its possessors arrogant and unyielding in their
intercourse with other nations.

COMPETITION IN ARMAMENTS.--After 1870 the German emperor was the
commander of the whole German army, which was organized and trained on
the Prussian model. The fact that Germany had such an efficient army
caused other nations to be in constant fear of attack. Therefore her
neighbors on the continent of Europe were led to organize similar armies
and make other preparations for defense.

Moreover, Germany in recent years formed a number of ambitious projects
of expansion and colonization which would probably bring her into
conflict with other countries. In order to assure herself of success,
Germany proceeded to enlarge and otherwise improve the organization and
equipment of her army. This led France and Russia to enlarge their
armies. So the competition went on.

GERMANY'S NAVY.--For over a century Great Britain's control of the
seas had been almost undisputed. In order to carry out her projects of
expansion, Germany required a fleet which, while perhaps not so large as
that of Great Britain, would be large enough to make the result of a
naval battle questionable. Huge money grants were obtained from the
German people, and for a time more battleships were built by Germany
than by England. England dared not permit the naval superiority to pass
into Germany's hands. The result was a competition in dreadnaught
building quite as feverish as the competition in armies. The building
and maintenance of these great fleets were a heavy burden upon the
people of both countries. England made several offers to limit the
competition by promising to build no ships in any year in which Germany
would build none, but Germany in every case refused to agree to the
plan.

    SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY.--1. Make a chart showing the
    comparative sizes of European armies in 1914. 2. In the same
    way compare the European navies in 1914. 3. What effect is
    produced upon a country by an aristocratic military class? 4.
    Compare the German military policy with that of the United
    States. 5. Will disarmament be one of the good results of
    this war?

    REFERENCES.--_The World Almanac; War Cyclopedia_ (C.P.I.),
    under the names of the several countries, and under "Navy";
    _German Militarism_ (C.P.I.).




CHAPTER IV

INTERNATIONAL LAW AND THE HAGUE CONFERENCES


INTERNATIONAL LAW.--In the civilized world to-day each community is
made up of citizens who have a right to the protection of the laws of
their community and who in turn have the duty of obedience to those
laws. During recent centuries improved means of communication and
transportation have brought all parts of the world closer together, and
there has grown up in the minds of many enlightened thinkers the idea
that the whole civilized world ought to be regarded as a community of
nations. In the past the relations of nations to one another have been
very nearly as bad as that of persons in savage communities. Quarrels
have usually been settled by contests of strength, called wars.
Believers in the idea of the community of nations argue that wars would
cease or at least become much less frequent if this idea of a community
of nations were generally accepted.

The body of rules which nations recognize in their dealings with each
other is usually spoken of as _international law_. As to certain rules
of international conduct the civilized nations of the world have been in
general agreement for many centuries. Among such rules are those for the
carrying out of treaty obligations, the punishment of piracy, the
protection of each other's ambassadors, the rights of citizens of one
country to the protection of the laws of the country they are visiting,
the protection of women and children in time of war.

As in community law so also in international law rules have frequently
grown up as matters of custom. In the second place agreements have
sometimes been reached through negotiation and written out in the form
of treaties between the two nations concerned. In the latter half of the
nineteenth century several attempts were made to strengthen
international law by means of general conferences of the nations. One of
the most famous of these was the Conference of Geneva in 1864, which
reached a number of valuable agreements on the care of wounded soldiers
and gave official international recognition to the Red Cross. At the
very end of the century occurred the first of the two famous
international conferences at The Hague.

Toward this growing movement in the direction of the setting up of a
community of nations in which each has equal rights and equally
recognizes the force of international law, the German Empire has taken
an attitude of opposition. She has steadily refused to accept her place
as a member of a family of nations. Her leaders have taken the ground,
as explained in Chapter II, that strong nations should control weaker
nations whenever it is to their own interest. As a principle this is
just as barbarous as if in a community the man with the strongest
muscles or the biggest club should be permitted to control the actions
of his neighbors who happened to be weaker or less effectively armed.
Just as the strong brutal man must be taught that laws apply to him as
well as to the weaker members of the community, so must Germany learn to
respect the laws of nations and the rights of weaker peoples.

THE CALL FOR A WORLD PEACE CONFERENCE.--In spite of the rapid growth
of armaments in Europe after 1870 there was growing up among many of the
leading thinkers of the nations a movement looking toward permanent
peace in the world. The movement soon gained great strength among all
classes. Peace societies were formed, meetings were held, and pamphlets
were prepared and distributed. Toward the close of the century public
opinion in most countries was leaning more and more toward the idea of
universal peace. Governments, however, were slower to take up the
problem. Strangely enough the first government to take action in the
matter was that of Russia, at the time the most autocratic of all the
nations of Europe.

Two years before the close of the century Czar Nicholas II sent out an
official invitation calling upon the nations to send representatives to
an international conference to discuss the problem of the prevention of
wars. The Czar pointed out the dangers which must surely result if the
military rivalry of the nations were not checked. He referred to the
fact that European militarism was using up the strength and the wealth
of the nations and was bringing about a condition of military
preparedness which must inevitably lead in the end to a war more
disastrous and terrible than any war in the history of mankind. The Czar
did not go so far as to suggest complete and immediate disarmament.
Every one knew that Europe was not ready to consider so violent a change
of policy. The Russian invitation merely proposed that the conference
should try to agree upon some means for putting a limit upon the
increase of armaments. It suggested that the nations should agree not to
increase their military or naval forces for a certain limited period,
not to add to their annual expenditure of money for military purposes,
and to consider means by which later on there might be an actual
reduction of armaments. It was necessary to avoid the jealousies which
might arise among the great powers if the capital of one of them were
selected for the conference, so the Czar suggested that the meeting take
place at The Hague, the capital of small, peace-loving Holland.

THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE.--The conference called by the Czar met on
May 18, 1899. All the great nations of the world sent delegates, as did
many of the smaller nations. In all, twenty-six governments were
represented, twenty of which were European. The United States and Mexico
were the only countries of the New World which sent representatives. The
queen of Holland showed her appreciation of the honor conferred upon her
country by placing at the disposal of the conference, as its meeting
place, the former summer residence of the royal family, the "House in
the Woods," situated about a mile from the city in the midst of a
beautiful park.

DISARMAMENT.--Although the menace of the tremendous armaments of
Europe had been the chief reason for the conference, absolutely nothing
was accomplished toward solving that problem. This failure was largely
due to the opposition of Germany, which, as the strongest military power
in Europe, would listen to no suggestion looking toward the limitation
of military force. At one of the early meetings of the conference a
German delegate brought out clearly and unmistakably his government's
opposition to any consideration of the subject. In a sarcastic and
arrogant speech he defended the German system of compulsory military
service and her expenditures for military purposes. While it is
extremely doubtful, in view of the difficulties in the way of any
general policy of disarmament, that much could have been accomplished by
the conference even under the most favorable circumstances, this stand
on the part of the German government meant the immediate and absolute
defeat of the suggestion. The other nations of Europe had established
their large military systems as a measure of defense against Germany, so
that in the face of that government's refusal to agree to the policy of
limiting armaments, no neighboring country on the European continent
could adopt it. In the conference, the matter was dismissed after the
adoption of a very general resolution expressing the opinion "that the
restriction of military charges ... is extremely desirable for the
increase of the material and moral welfare of mankind."

ARBITRATION.--The conference met with a somewhat larger measure of
success when it came to discuss the question of the peaceful settlement
of international disputes, though here also the attitude of the German
government stood in the way of complete success. The United States from
the days of John Jay had taken the lead among the nations of the world
in the policy of settling international disputes by peaceful means.
Quite different has been the traditional policy of Prussia, which
throughout its history has relied upon force to accomplish its purposes.
All the German wars of the nineteenth century could easily have been
averted if the Prussian government had honestly desired to settle its
quarrels by peaceful methods. She has taken the ground, however, that
arbitration can only work to her injury, since she is better prepared
for war than any other nation and can mobilize her army more rapidly
than any of her neighbors. "Arbitration," said one of her delegates at
The Hague, "would simply give rival powers time to put themselves in
readiness, and would therefore be a great disadvantage to Germany." This
point of view shows clearly how the German leaders place the growth of
German power far above such considerations as right and justice.

THE HAGUE PEACE TRIBUNAL.--The struggle in the conference over the
question of arbitration centered about the establishment of a permanent
tribunal or international court of arbitration to which nations might
bring their disagreements for settlement. The United States delegation
favored making a definite list of the kinds of disputes which nations
would be compelled to bring to the tribunal for settlement. On the other
hand, the Kaiser himself sent a dispatch from Berlin in which he spoke
strongly against anything in the nature of an arbitration tribunal.
Largely through the efforts of Mr. Andrew D. White, head of the American
delegation, the German government was brought to modify its stand.
Germany finally agreed to the creation of the tribunal, but only on
condition that in no case should the submission of a dispute to it be
compulsory. The tribunal was to be established, but it would have the
right to render a decision only in those cases which the disagreeing
nations might decide to submit to it.

The Hague Tribunal is not made up of permanent judges like an ordinary
court. It consists of persons (not more than four from each country)
selected by the various nations from among their citizens of high
standing and broad knowledge of international affairs. From this long
list any powers between whom there is a disagreement may choose the
persons to form a court or tribunal for their special case.

THE SECOND HAGUE CONFERENCE.--The conference of 1899 had proved an
absolute failure so far as disarmament and compulsory arbitration were
concerned. In fact the years immediately following were marked by two
destructive wars: that between Great Britain and the Boers of South
Africa, and the war between Russia and Japan. These wars made it clear
that with the applications of modern science warfare had become so
terrible that, if the nations could not arrange by agreement for its
abolition, they should at least take steps to lessen its horrors. This
was the chief reason back of the invitation for a second Hague
Conference, which was issued by the Czar at the suggestion of President
Roosevelt. Forty-seven nations--nearly all the nations of the world---
were represented when the conference assembled on June 15, 1907.

Attempts were made to reopen the questions of disarmament and compulsory
arbitration, but without success. Germany again stood firmly against
both suggestions. The conference consequently confined its efforts
almost entirely to drawing up a code of international laws--especially
those regulating the actual conduct of war--known as "the Hague
Conventions." They contain rules about the laying of submarine mines,
the treatment of prisoners, the bombardment of towns, and the rights of
neutrals in time of war; they forbid, for example, the use of poison or
of weapons causing unnecessary suffering. Even on these questions
Germany stood out against certain changes which would have made war
still more humane. But her delegates took part in framing the Hague
Conventions; and Germany, like all the other powers later engaged in the
Great War, accepted those conventions by formal treaty, thus binding
herself to observe them.

RESULTS OF THE HAGUE CONFERENCES.--Leaders of the movement for
universal peace felt that in spite of the small success of the Hague
Conferences a definite beginning had been made. Many of them were very
hopeful that later conferences would lead to larger results and that
even Germany would swing into line. There were plans to hold a third
conference in 1914 or 1915. As we look back upon the years between 1907
and 1914, it seems hard to understand the general blindness of the world
to the certainty of the coming struggle. Armaments were piled up at a
faster rate than ever. Naval armaments also entered into the race. From
the point of view of bringing about permanent peace in the world we must
view the conferences at The Hague as having hopelessly failed.

They did accomplish something, however. Arbitration was accepted by the
nations of the world, in principle at least. Moreover, the conferences
helped the cause of international law by showing how easily
international agreements could be reached if all the nations were
honestly in favor of peaceful decisions. Some day when the present war
has taught the world the much needed lessons that the recognition of
international law is necessary to civilization, and that the nations
must join together in its enforcement, the work begun at The Hague in
1899 and 1907 will be taken up once more with larger hope of success.

    SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY.--1. How are ordinary laws enforced?
    How is international law carried out? Why the difference? 2.
    Enumerate the instances in which questions of international
    law have been brought up during the present war. 3. Look up
    the history of the Red Cross movement. 4. Why did the Hague
    Conferences fail to attain their great objects? 5. Summarize
    what was actually accomplished by the Conferences. 6. Has the
    history of the Hague Conferences any lessons which will be of
    value after this war?

    REFERENCES.--_War Cyclopedia_ (C.P.I.), under "Red Cross,"
    "Hague Conferences." See also publications of the World Peace
    Foundation; _International Conciliation_ (C.P.I.); _War,
    Labor, and Peace_ (C.P.I.).




CHAPTER V

INTERNATIONAL JEALOUSIES AND ALLIANCES


The years between 1870 and 1914 were marked by growing jealousies among
the great powers of Europe. All were growing in wealth and commerce, and
each looked with envious eyes upon the successes of its neighbors. In
this chapter we are going to consider some of the special reasons for
the growth of international jealousies during this period, and the
grouping of the great nations into alliances.

ALSACE-LORRAINE.--At the close of the Franco-Prussian War in 1871,
France was humiliated by being forced to give up to Germany a large
section of her eastern lands--Alsace and northeastern Lorraine. It was
true that these provinces had long ago belonged to Germany. All of this
territory, however, had been French for generations, and much of it for
over two hundred years; and in both provinces the population was loyal
to the French government and violently opposed to being transferred to
the rule of Germany. But defeated France had no choice in the matter,
and the provinces became part of the German Empire. France has never
forgotten or forgiven this humiliation. Lloyd George, the British prime
minister, in speaking of the Alsace-Lorraine problem (January, 1918)
said, "This sore has poisoned the peace of Europe for half a century,
and until it is cured healthy conditions cannot be restored."

[Illustration: ALSACE-LORRAINE]

German rule in Alsace-Lorraine has been unwise as well as severe. The
teaching of the French language in the elementary schools of the
provinces was forbidden. Military service in the German army was made
compulsory despite the protests of the inhabitants, who felt a horror of
some day being forced to fight against the French, whom they regarded as
brothers. All important offices were filled by Germans from beyond the
Rhine. The police constantly interfered with the freedom of the people.
French newspapers were suppressed on the slightest excuse. Attempts were
made to prevent Frenchmen from visiting Alsace and Alsatians from
visiting France. German army officers stationed in the provinces openly
ignored the rights of the population and were upheld in their conduct by
the German government. As time passed the inhabitants grew more and more
dissatisfied with the strict German rule.

In France also hostility to Germany was increased by the conditions in
Alsace-Lorraine. Frenchmen could not forget that they had been robbed of
these provinces. Hope was kept alive that some day they might be won
back. In the city of Paris, in the Place de la Concorde, there are eight
large marble statues each representing a great city of France. One of
these represents Strassburg, the chief city of Alsace. Every year, on
July 14, the national holiday of France, the people of Paris have placed
a wreath of mourning on this statue. This custom expresses the sorrow of
France for the loss of her eastern provinces, as well as her hope that
some day they may be restored.

ITALIA IRREDENTA.--_Italia Irreden´ta_ in the Italian language means
"unredeemed Italy." It refers to the territory adjoining Italy on the
north and northeast, occupied by Italians but not yet redeemed from
foreign rule.

[Illustration: Map of Italia Irredenta]

When in 1871 the kingdom of Italy took its present form through the
union of former Italian states (Chapter I), Italia Irredenta remained
under the rule of Austria. Italians feel, however, that Italian unity
is not complete so long as adjoining lands inhabited by Italian-speaking
people are ruled by foreign governments. So they regard these lands as
"unredeemed."

Italia Irredenta consists chiefly of the Trentino (tren-tee´no), a
triangle of territory dipping down into the north of Italy, and some
land around the northern end of the Adriatic including the important
city of Trieste. Both of these regions are ruled by Austria. For many
years this situation has led to ill feeling between the two countries.
While it has not had so direct a bearing on the outbreak of the World
War as the question of Alsace-Lorraine, it nevertheless largely explains
the entrance of Italy into the war on the side of the Allies.

RUSSIA AND THE BOSPORUS.--Still another situation which in the years
before the war was the cause of international jealousies was Russia's
long-standing ambition to control Constantinople on the Bos´porus. As
Constantinople is the capital of the Turkish Empire, the continued
existence of that state, at least on the continent of Europe, was
threatened by Russia's purpose. Russia has long been in need of an
ice-free port as an outlet for her commerce. Archangel (ark´[=a]n´jel) in
the north is ice-bound most of the year. Vladivostok´, her port on the
Pacific, is ice-bound for three months of the year. Russian trade by way
of the Baltic must pass through waters controlled by other countries.
Naturally she has turned toward the Bosporus and Dardanelles
(dar-da-nelz´)--the straits connecting the Black Sea with the
Mediterranean--as the natural outlet for her trade, and this explains
her desire to possess Constantinople.

For centuries Russia has been so much more powerful than Turkey that she
would surely have taken possession of Constantinople if the other
nations of Europe had not interfered. On two different occasions during
the nineteenth century England came to the assistance of the Turkish
Empire and saved Constantinople from the Czar. Great Britain was led to
take this action through fear that Russian control of Constantinople
might endanger the safety of her own communications with India. In the
years immediately preceding the outbreak of the Great War the danger
from Germany made other quarrels of much less importance, and England's
disagreement with Russia over her desire for a trade outlet was
forgotten.

EUROPEAN AMBITIONS IN THE BALKANS.--Russia has always felt a strong
interest in the small nations of the Balkan peninsula. Their inhabitants
are for the most part Slavs, of the same race as the Russians
themselves, and they have naturally looked upon the great Slavic empire
of the Czars as their protector. There was, moreover, a pan-Slavic party
in Russia, i.e. a group who looked forward to a union of all the Slav
nations under the leadership of Russia. The pan-Slavic movement had its
beginning in the help Russia had given these states in their revolt from
Turkey.

Russia's aims and hopes in the Balkans were strongly opposed by
Austria-Hungary. That state has long felt the need of seaports to the
southeast and has hoped, with German support, to secure an outlet on the
Ægean and to control the whole course of the Danube. This purpose could
be accomplished only by annexing a large part of the Balkan peninsula.
The Balkan situation, therefore, brought Russia and Austria face to face
in opposition to each other. It was one of the most serious instances of
international rivalry in the period before the war.

Italy also was interested in the Balkan question. She saw that if the
Austrians should annex the Balkan lands lying to the south they would
control the whole eastern shore of the Adriatic. Italian interests and
ambitions would suffer. This fear, added to the constant bitterness
caused by the problem of Italia Irredenta, inflamed the hostility of
Italy toward Austria.

Finally, Turkey also had an interest in the Balkan situation. She hoped
to benefit by the various jealousies of the great powers. She believed
that fear of a general war would keep all of them from making any move
in the Balkans and so would prolong her own shaky existence as a
European state.

RIVAL COLONIAL EMPIRES.--Some time after the establishment of the
German Empire, her rapidly growing wealth, population, and trade led her
to regret the opportunities for colonial expansion that she had missed.
She cast jealous eyes upon the vast colonial possessions of other
nations. She also took what was left over,--several large regions of
Africa, a port in China, a few islands in the Pacific,--not nearly
enough to satisfy her ambitions. South America was closed to her by the
policy of the United States which is expressed in the Monroe Doctrine.
In Asia, however, she secured extensive commercial and industrial
concessions--the forerunners of political control--in the Turkish
Empire. Germany's desire for colonies was natural enough, but her
jealousy of her more fortunate European neighbors must be considered as
one of the reasons underlying her military and naval preparedness for
war.

Germany's covetous attitude toward the colonial possessions of other
nations led to several serious international disagreements in the years
before the Great War. More than once it almost brought her into conflict
with the government of the United States. An agreement had been made for
the joint control of the Samoan Islands by Great Britain, Germany, and
the United States. Germany's attempt to enlarge her interests in the
islands led to a quarrel with American officers. An American flag was
seized by armed Germans, war vessels were sent to Samoa, and a naval
battle seemed about to take place. A hurricane destroyed the vessels,
however, before any fighting had occurred, and the three countries drew
up a treaty which settled that particular difficulty (1899).

Germany also resented our acquisition of the Philippines and other
Spanish colonies. At the outbreak of our war with Spain in 1898, when
Admiral Dewey steamed into Manila Bay, he found there a German fleet
that was half disposed to interfere with his operations. But when Dewey
showed a willingness to fight, the Germans withdrew.

Several years later Germany picked a quarrel with Venezuela and, in
defiance of the Monroe Doctrine, bombarded a fort on her coast. Acting
in conjunction with England and Italy, German warships blockaded the
ports of Venezuela to force the payment of financial claims. President
Roosevelt's insistence that Germany drop her further plans of
aggression, and his promptness in concentrating the American fleet in
the West Indies, resulted in Germany's accepting a peaceful solution of
the dispute.

In 1911 Germany tried to force France out of Morocco. Since 1904 France
had by common consent taken general charge of affairs in that country.
Later Germany made objections to this arrangement. Finally, in 1911,
when France was sending troops into the interior to put down disorders
among the natives, Germany sent a gunboat to Agadir (ah-gah-deer´), on
the west coast of Morocco. It looked as if she intended to take
possession of the port there. France protested and the affair began to
look very warlike. England came to the support of France, and Germany
gave up all claim to Morocco, taking in exchange about 100,000 square
miles in equatorial Africa. After this humiliation the German
militarists became more determined than ever to force the war which they
thought would make Germany supreme over her rivals.

THE TRIPLE ALLIANCE.--The various jealousies among the nations of
Europe which we have just considered, and particularly the general fear
of the growing power of the German Empire, largely explain the strong
international alliances which came into existence between 1870 and 1914.

Germany, after 1870, knew that France would for many years be too weak
to retake Alsace-Lorraine. All that German leaders had to fear was that
France might succeed in securing powerful friends among the other
nations and that a strong combination of countries might some day
challenge Germany's supremacy on the Continent. To prevent or at any
rate to counterbalance any such combination, Germany looked about for
allies upon whose help she might rely in case of necessity. At first she
planned a general league of friendship with the great countries lying to
the east and southeast, Russia and Austria-Hungary. This combination,
known as the League of the Three Emperors, was soon broken up by the
growing jealousies of Russia and Austria in the Balkans. Germany, having
to choose which of these two nations she would support, decided in favor
of Austria. There followed a growing coldness in the relations between
Germany and Russia.

Germany having allied herself with Austria, looked about for another
nation to give greater strength to the combination. Her thoughts turned
toward Italy, which, in case of another war against France, could attack
the French southeastern border and so prove a valuable ally. For a
number of years there had been ill feeling between Italy and France, and
Germany counted on this feeling to bring Italy under her influence. The
chief difficulty in the way of Germany's plan was that Italy would have
to abandon her ideas in regard to Italia Irredenta and enter into
friendly relations with Austria, her old enemy. Italy was finally driven
into this unnatural alliance by the action of France, which in 1881
occupied Tunis, a land which Italy herself had been planning to annex as
a colony. Italy, too weak to prevent this action of France, entered the
alliance with Germany and Austria into which she had been invited. So it
was that the Triple Alliance was established (1882), as a league of
defense against any nations which should begin an attack upon any one of
the three.

THE TRIPLE ENTENTE.--_Entente_ (ahn-tahnt´) is the French word for
understanding or agreement. In the recent history of Europe it refers to
that friendly grouping of nations which was formed in self-defense
against the Triple Alliance. The war of 1870 had left France not only
humiliated but weakened and isolated. The formation of the Triple
Alliance put out of question the idea of a successful war against
Germany to right the wrong which France had suffered. In fact it seemed
to make more probable a new attack upon France. Russia also found
herself in a position of isolation. Their isolation and consequent
danger gradually drew these two nations together, distant as they were
from one another and different as they were in government and ideas. So
there was established a dual alliance between the French Republic and
the Russian Empire.

Great Britain had for a long time remained outside the jealousies and
combinations of the continental powers. In fact she had frequently found
herself at odds with France over the rights of the two nations in
Africa, and with Russia over the question of Constantinople and Russian
aggression in Asia. When English statesmen discovered, however, that the
German Empire was constantly enlarging her navy with a view to
challenging English control of the seas, they felt that it would be well
for Great Britain to seek friendships on the Continent. Old quarrels
with France and Russia were forgotten. Friendly relations were
established, and Great Britain, France, and Russia entered into a league
of friendship known as the Triple Entente (1907).

    SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY.--1. Locate the Bosporus,
    Alsace-Lorraine, Italia Irredenta, Balkan peninsula, Ægean
    Sea. 2. Explain the geographical importance of
    Constantinople. How was Russia prevented from taking it in
    the Crimean War of 1854 and the Russo-Turkish War of 1877? 3.
    Show on a map of Europe the countries in the Triple Alliance
    and those in the Triple Entente. Why was each alliance
    formed?

    REFERENCES.--_War Cyclopedia_ (C.P.I.); Harding, _New
    Medieval and Modern History_; Hazen, _Europe since 1815_; and
    other European histories. For the treaties forming the two
    alliances, see _A League of Nations_, Vol. I, No. 4.




CHAPTER VI


THE BALKAN STATES

THE BALKANS.--As we have learned in Chapter I, the Balkan states are,
with the exception of Montenegro, the result of a series of revolutions
which took place during the last hundred years. These revolutions were
the result of two causes. First there was a growing restlessness of the
different groups of people in the Balkan peninsula. This was due not
only to centuries of Turkish misrule, but also to the influence of the
republican movement which developed in northern and western Europe as a
result of the French Revolution. The second cause of the Balkan
revolutions was the gradual growth among the oppressed races of the
feeling that they would better their condition by throwing off the
despotic Turkish rule and by organizing each separate race into a
separate nation. Thus it was that the revolutions brought into existence
a group of small states, each populated chiefly by one of the races
inhabiting the Balkans.

[Illustration: THE BALKAN STATES 1913]

RACES IN THE BALKANS.--There are more races represented in the Balkans
than in any similar sized territory in Europe. Most of the Balkan states
lie along what was the northeastern fringe of the Roman Empire. So we
find inhabiting them not only ancient races like the Greeks and
Albanians, but also descendants of Roman colonists like the
Roumanians, and other racial groups like the Serbs and Bulgars, which
represent the survivals of the barbarian invasions of the Middle Ages.
While the larger groups of invaders passed on to the west, these dropped
out and moved southward into the Balkan peninsula, where their
descendants still remain. We must not think that these are pure races.
There has been much intermixture, and to-day all of the groups contain a
strong Slavic element, although some are rather unwilling to admit it.
There is besides a Turkish element in the population, as the result of
the long period of Turkish rule, especially in those districts where
many of the original inhabitants accepted Mohammedanism, as in Albania
and Macedonia.

THE SLAVS.--The Serbs, a Slavic race, form the chief part of the
population in Serbia and Montenegro, as well as in Bosnia and other
parts of southern Austria-Hungary. Together with the Croats and Slovenes
of southern Austria-Hungary, the Serbs are called the Jugo-Slavs
(yoo´go-slavz) or South-Slavs (_jugo_ means "south") to distinguish them
from the Czechs, Poles, and Russians of the north. There is, however, a
strong feeling of relationship between these two great Slavic groups.

THE BULGARS.--The Bulgars are descended from a non-Slavic race allied
to the Tatars and Finns. They came into the Balkan region on the heels
of some of the early migrations and seized the land now called Bulgaria;
there, however, they mingled with the native Slavic people whom they
conquered, and whose language they adopted. There are, besides, many
Bulgarians in the Dobrud´ja--the district lying between the lower Danube
and the Black Sea. Likewise in the province of Macedonia, the Bulgarians
form the largest element in the population.

THE ROUMANIANS.--Roumania is the old Roman province of Dacia, and the
Roumanians claim to be descendants of colonists which the Romans sent
into that province as an outpost against invasion. It is certain that
the language spoken by the Roumanians is much like Latin, but, as a
recent writer says, the language is closer to Latin than the Roumanians
are to Romans.

THE ALBANIANS.--The Albanian people are descended from the most
ancient of all the races in the Balkan peninsula; their language is the
oldest language spoken in Europe. For centuries they were nominally
subject to Turkey; but the Turks never really succeeded in conquering
them, though many of the Albanians became Mohammedans.

THE GREEKS.--Though the Greeks are descended in part from the people
who inhabited their country in ancient times, and though they speak a
modern form of the old Greek language, it is certain that the present
inhabitants are a much mixed race. They are largely Slav, but hold a
strong feeling for the great past of their country. This gives them an
unusually strong national rallying point. In many ways the Greeks are
the most progressive of the Balkan races.

RUSSIA AND AUSTRIA AS PROTECTORS OF THE BALKAN COUNTRIES.--The
struggle between the great powers as to which of them should become the
heirs of "the sick man of Europe," as the Sultan of Turkey was long ago
called, dates back about a century. Austria on account of her
geographical position and her desire to expand to the southward, and
Russia on account of her desire for Constantinople and the racial ties
connecting her with the Balkan states, each hoped to be preferred. Both
Austria and Russia, then, for more or less selfish reasons, were anxious
to bring about the break-up of the Turkish Empire in Europe. Whenever a
revolt against Turkish rule would break out, the revolutionists could
almost always count on the help of one or the other of these nations.

Since the Slavs and the Greeks hated each other, and both hated the
Bulgarians, there was sometimes a tendency for the Bulgarians and the
Greeks to look to Austria or Germany for help, as a counterpoise to
Russia's influence on behalf of the Slavic states. At one time, however,
Russia gave great aid to Bulgaria. In all the twists and turns of Balkan
politics we find Russia or Austria posing as protector of the rights of
one or another of the Balkan states.

On the other hand, when all the Balkan states bordering Turkey put aside
their rivalries and combined for an attack on Turkey in 1912, Germany
and Austria gave what moral support they could to Turkey. Austria had no
desire to see a strong league of the Balkan states formed to the south
of her, a league which would be largely under the influence of Russia.

German leaders had already formulated their dream of _Mittel-Europa_
(Mid-Europe), a broad band of German-controlled territory extending to
Turkey. With Turkey itself Germany made treaties which practically
assured her control all the way to Bagdad. Germany had no desire either
for a Balkan league, which would block her way, or for the defeat of
Turkey, which might interfere with the carrying out of the treaties.

THE BALKAN WAR OF 1912.--Turkish rule in Macedonia had become
increasingly bad. Situated in the midst of three of the larger Balkan
countries, it had representatives of each among its population. These
countries put aside for the time being their jealousies of each other.
In 1912 Bulgaria, Greece, Serbia, and Montenegro formed an alliance and
presented a demand to Turkey that Macedonia should be made
self-governing. Most of Europe believed that the German-trained army of
the Turks would annihilate the armies of the smaller nations. But in a
little over a month Turkey was beaten. Even Constantinople might have
been taken had Bulgaria pursued the advantage gained by her troops. This
time no nation protected Turkey, and the treaty of peace left her with
only a tiny bit of European territory and the city of Constantinople.
Incidentally, Germany had lost much prestige, for Turkey had fought the
war with the help of German officers and with German encouragement, and
had lost.

THE SECOND BALKAN WAR.--Unfortunately, the victors soon quarreled over
the spoils. Bulgaria had seized Thrace and wanted most of Macedonia,
including the city of Saloni´ca, which had been captured by the Greeks.
Austria intervened to prevent Serbia from getting any increase in
territory on the southwest, toward the Adriatic. Hence Serbia wanted a
share of the lands to the south, claimed by Bulgaria. Bulgaria, backed
by Austria and Germany, refused to make any concessions, or to leave the
dispute to arbitration. She began the second Balkan war with a night
attack on the Serbian and Greek armies, but was unable to defeat them.
On the contrary Bulgaria was defeated within a month, partly because
Roumania and Turkey also entered the struggle against her. Bulgaria had
to give up much of her conquests to her former allies. Roumania claimed
a slice off her northeastern corner, and a Turkish army recaptured
Adrianople and neighboring territory from the hard-pressed Bulgarians.

LOSS OF PRESTIGE BY GERMANY AND AUSTRIA.--One of the important results
of these two wars was the loss of prestige by Germany and Austria. These
"Central Powers," as they were called, had gone out of their way to
encourage first Turkey, and then Bulgaria, and both these countries had
been badly beaten. In any future diplomacy the opinions and desires of
the Central Powers would have less weight and impressiveness than
formerly. To regain their lost influence it was practically certain that
these nations would, at the earliest opportunity, make an attempt to
impose their will upon the victorious Balkan states.

    SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY.--1. Locate Macedonia, the Dobrudja,
    Nish, Sofia, Durazzo. 2. Define and explain Mittel-Europa;
    "The sick man of Europe." 3. Which nations of the Balkan
    peninsula border upon the Black Sea? Which border upon the
    Adriatic? Which lie along the Danube? 4. On an outline map of
    the Balkan peninsula indicate the races to which the
    populations belong and their distribution. 5. We have read in
    this chapter that the old Roman province of Dacia developed
    later into modern Roumania; can you name the Roman provinces
    which correspond to the modern nations of France, Spain,
    England, Switzerland? 6. What do you know of the history of
    Constantinople prior to its capture by the Turks? 7. Explain
    the causes of the second Balkan war. How did the outcome of
    this war affect the history of the great European powers?

    REFERENCES.--_War Cyclopedia_ (C.P.I.); _Study of the Great
    War_ (C.P.I.); Davis, _The Roots of the War_; Hazen, _Europe
    since 1815_; and other general histories of recent Europe.




CHAPTER VII

THE BEGINNINGS OF THE GREAT WAR


GERMANY'S RESPONSIBILITY.--Germany's tremendous increase of armaments,
her opposition to arbitration, her hostility to the purpose of the Hague
Conferences, her building up of the Triple Alliance, her challenge to
England's naval supremacy and her refusal to accept England's suggestion
that both nations should limit their expenditures on naval armaments,
the glorification of war on the part of her teachers and writers,--all
make it clear that the present Great War was of her planning. For years
she prepared herself to inflict a crushing blow with all the weight of
her powerful army and navy and establish herself as the mistress of the
world. On this she was willing to stake her very existence. To use a
phrase made famous by one of her leading military writers, Germany had
decided upon "world power or downfall."

German militarists all looked forward to the day when her years of
preparation would at last reap their reward through the crushing of
Germany's rivals. England particularly, with her vast trade, her
colonial empire, and her control of the sea, they planned to lower to a
subordinate position in the world. "_Der Tag_" (d[)e]r tahkh), "the day"
when the long-awaited war should burst upon the world, was a favorite
toast in the German army and navy. As long ago as the end of the
Spanish-American War, a German diplomat said to an American army
officer: "About fifteen years from now my country will start her great
war. She will be in Paris in about two months after the commencement of
hostilities. Her move on Paris will be but a step to her real
object--the crushing of England. Everything will move like clockwork. We
will be prepared and others will not be prepared."

FINAL PREPARATIONS.--In 1913 the German government decided upon a
large increase in her already tremendous standing army. Immense sums
were also appropriated for aircraft and for huge guns powerful enough to
batter to pieces the strongest fortresses. To pay for this extra
equipment additional heavy taxes were voted. The new arrangements were
all to be completed by the fall of 1914. Alterations were also hurried
on the Kiel Canal. This waterway, connecting the Baltic with the North
Sea, had been opened in 1895 and was of great naval importance. The new
German battleships, however, were so large that the canal was not large
enough to admit them. The work of widening and deepening the passage was
undertaken by the government, and was finally completed on July 1, 1914.
Preparations for the Great War were complete at last, both on land and
sea. The gunpowder was ready. All that was needed was a spark to bring
about the explosion.

THE AUSTRO-SERBIAN QUESTION.--For years before the war the Serbs and
other Jugo-Slavs in the southern provinces of Austria-Hungary had been
dissatisfied with Austrian rule. The Serbs of Bosnia and Herzegovina
(h[)e]r-ts[)e]-go-vee´nah) were especially aroused when those provinces, after
a long temporary government by Austria-Hungary, were formally annexed by
that power in 1908. Their wish was for union with the adjoining Serbian
kingdom. Their aspirations did not cause very much trouble while Serbia
was small and weak; but when, as a result of the Balkan wars, Serbia was
revealed to the world as a warlike nation with extended boundaries and
growing national ambitions, the Austrian Serbs grew restless. There is
little doubt that Serbs of Serbia had much to do with the anti-Austrian
activities that rapidly spread among their brothers within the Austrian
Empire. The Austrian government, much disturbed by a movement that
threatened to spread among her other subject populations, began to seek
a pretext for crushing her southern neighbor and so settling the
troublesome Serbian question once for all.

In 1913, at the close of the second Balkan war, Austria-Hungary informed
her allies, Italy and Germany, of her intention to make war upon Serbia,
and asked for the support of those countries. Italy refused to have any
part in the matter. Germany, realizing that Russia would probably come
to the assistance of Serbia and that a general European war might
follow, no doubt prevailed upon Austria to stay her hand. Germany's
preparations at that time were not quite complete.

THE ASSASSINATION OF FRANCIS FERDINAND.--In the early summer of 1914
occurred the event that was destined to plunge the world into war.
Archduke Francis Ferdinand, heir to the throne of Austria-Hungary, made
a visit to the southern provinces of the monarchy. On June 28, while he
and his wife were driving through the streets of Serajevo (s[)e]r´a-y[=a]-vo),
in Bosnia, three pistol shots were fired into the carriage, mortally
wounding the archduke and his wife. The assassin was an Austrian Serb, a
member of a Serbian secret society which had for its aim the separation
of the Serb provinces from Austria-Hungary and their annexation to the
kingdom of Serbia. The crime caused great excitement and horror
throughout Europe. But the deed had given Austria the opportunity to
settle its account with Serbia and thus put an end to the Serb plottings
within the Austrian borders.

THE DECISION FOR WAR.--There is evidence that on July 5, one week
after the murder at Serajevo, a secret meeting of German and Austrian
statesmen and generals took place in the German emperor's palace at
Potsdam, a suburb of Berlin. Probably at this conference it was
definitely decided that the assassination of the Austrian crown prince
should be used as a pretext for crushing Serbia. Austria, it was
expected, would thus permanently settle her Serbian problem. Germany
must have known that this action would probably lead to a general
European war, since Russia would come to the rescue of Serbia and France
would stand by Russia. But Germany was ready at last, and so the
terrible decision was made.

THE AUSTRIAN ULTIMATUM.--On July 23, the Austro-Hungarian government
sent a note to the government of Serbia holding her accountable for the
Serajevo murder and making a number of humiliating demands. Serbia was
told she must suppress all newspapers inciting enmity to Austria, that
she must dissolve all societies that were working toward "Pan-Serbism,"
that she must dismiss from the Serbian public service all officials whom
the Austrian government should officially accuse of plotting against
Austria, that she must accept the help of Austrian officials in Serbia
in the putting down of anti-Austrian activities and in searching out
accessories to the plot of June 28, that she must arrest two Serbian
officials who had been implicated by the trial in Serajevo, and that she
must put a stop to the smuggling of arms from Serbia into Austria.

The demand that Serbia admit Austrian officials into Serbia to take part
in the work of investigation and suppression was an intolerable invasion
of Serbia's sovereignty within her own borders. But the most threatening
part of the note was its conclusion: "The Austro-Hungarian government
expects the reply of the royal [Serbian] government at the latest by 6
o'clock on Saturday evening, the 25th of July." In other words, the note
was an ultimatum giving Serbia a period of only forty-eight hours in
which to agree to the Austrian demands.

SERBIA'S REPLY.--Serbia's answer to the Austrian ultimatum was
delivered within a few minutes of the time set. She agreed, practically,
to all the Austrian demands except those which required that Austrian
officials should conduct investigations and suppress conspiracies in
Serbia, and she even went part way toward accepting those. Serbia went
on to suggest that if Austria was not entirely satisfied with the reply,
the points still in dispute should be referred to the international
tribunal at The Hague. This reply the Austrian government considered
unsatisfactory. Forty-five minutes after the Serbian note had been
placed in the hands of the Austrian minister to Serbia that official
handed a notice to the Serbian government stating "that not having
received a satisfactory answer within the time limit set, he was leaving
Belgrade" (the Serbian capital). Austria-Hungary made immediate
preparations for the invasion of Serbia and on July 28 declared war.

EFFORTS FOR PEACE.--Meanwhile Great Britain, France, and Italy were
putting forth every effort to preserve the peace of Europe. In these
efforts the lead was taken by Sir Edward Grey, the British foreign
minister. As early as July 26 he urged a conference at London of the
representatives of France, Germany, Italy, and Great Britain to find
some solution of the problem which might be satisfactory to both Austria
and Russia. Italy and France agreed at once, but Germany raised
objections. Germany's only suggestion for preserving the general peace
of Europe was that Austria should be permitted to deal with Serbia as
she pleased, without interference from any other power. And so it
continued through those critical days. Every effort made by England
looking toward a peaceful settlement of the quarrel was baffled by
Germany's refusal to coöperate. This is not difficult to understand in
the light of our later knowledge of the plans and aims of the German
government.

THE DECLARATIONS OF WAR.--Austria's declaration of war on Serbia (July
28) was followed by the general mobilization of Austria's troops.
Austria maintained that all her armies were for the war on Serbia, but
her preparations were so extensive that it was clear she was getting
ready to fight Russia also. In reply Russia began to mobilize her
troops, partly to prevent the destruction of Serbia, but also to defend
herself from possible Austrian attacks. Russia definitely notified
Germany that her mobilization was directed against Austria only.
Meanwhile England continued her efforts to bring about a conference of
the powers, a plan which Germany continued to foil. The Czar in a formal
telegram to the Kaiser on July 29 suggested that the Austro-Serbian
problem be given over to the Hague Tribunal, a suggestion which would
have led to peace. Nothing came of this proposal.

On July 31 the German government, on the ground that Russia's
mobilization was a threat of war, sent ultimatums to both Russia and
France. The ultimatum to Russia gave that government twelve hours in
which to stop all war preparations against both Germany and Austria. The
ultimatum to France informed that government of the message just sent to
Russia, and demanded a reply within eighteen hours as to whether France
would remain neutral in case of war between Germany and Russia. The
crowds in the streets of Berlin went wild with joy over the news of the
two ultimatums. There were cries of "On to Paris" and "On to St.
Petersburg." The Kaiser addressed his people from the balcony of his
palace. In the course of his speech, he said, "The sword is being forced
into our hand." The government of Germany had decided to make its people
believe that they were about to fight in self-defense.

Russia would not demobilize her armies under a German threat.
Consequently the next day, August 1, Germany declared war upon Russia.
Two days later, August 3, Germany declared war on France because that
country had refused to desert her ally in this time of danger. The
greatest war of all history had begun.

GREAT BRITAIN ENTERS THE WAR.--The German military leaders felt sure
that Great Britain would remain neutral in case of a general European
war. They based this belief on the peaceful temper of the English
people, upon the serious domestic problems she was facing, such as the
question of woman suffrage, Irish Home Rule, and the threatening labor
situation. Germany regarded England as a nation of shopkeepers who would
not fight unless they were attacked. After Germany had made herself
supreme on the Continent England's turn would come.

Great Britain's agreement with France and Russia, the other members of
the Triple Entente, did not go so far as to require her to join them in
case they should be involved in war. It is difficult to say whether or
not Great Britain would have decided to enter the conflict at this time
if a new element had not been introduced into the question by Germany's
invasion of Belgium. Of this invasion more will be said in the following
chapter. All that need be mentioned here is that Germany, in spite of a
long-standing treaty to observe Belgium's neutrality, had decided on
marching through that country as the best route to Paris. Great Britain,
as one of the nations which had promised to protect the neutrality of
Belgium, immediately demanded of the German government that it withdraw
its plan of invasion. Germany refused, and on August 4 Great Britain
declared war. So one week after Austria's declaration of war against
Serbia all the powers of the Triple Entente--commonly called the
Allies--were in arms against Germany and Austria. Italy, the third
member of the Triple Alliance, on August 1 declared herself neutral,
much to the disappointment and anger of the Central Powers, her former
allies. Her treaty with them provided that she should come to their aid
only in case they were attacked, and so did not apply to the present
war, in which Germany and Austria were the aggressors.

    SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY.--1. Locate the Kiel Canal. What is
    its other name? When and why was it constructed? 2. Locate
    Potsdam, Belgrade, Serajevo. 3. Define ultimatum;
    mobilization; "Der Tag"; Jugo-Slavs. 4. What is the meaning
    of the prefix "pan" in Pan-Slavism, Pan-Germanism,
    Pan-Serbism? What do you know about each of these movements?
    5. What is a declaration of war? Who has the power to declare
    war in the United States? In Germany? 6. Where are the
    provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina? How were they governed
    before 1878? Between 1878 and 1908? Since 1908? 7. Review the
    efforts for peace made by the British government between the
    Austrian ultimatum and Germany's final declarations of war.
    Explain the attitude of Austria, Russia, France, and Germany
    during these days.

    REFERENCES.--_War Cyclopedia_ (C.P.I.); _Study of the Great
    War_ (C.P.I.); _The Government of Germany_ (C.P.I.); Davis,
    _The Roots of the War_.




CHAPTER VIII

THE WAR IN 1914


GERMAN PLAN OF ATTACK.--As soon as the German leaders had determined
upon war, their military machine was set in motion. The plan was first
to attack France and crush her armies before the slow-moving Russians
could get a force together; and then, after the defeat of France, to
turn to the east and subdue Russia. The success of the plan was
dependent upon the swift overthrow of France; and this in turn hinged
upon the question as to whether German armies could invade France before
the French were ready. Speed was the essential thing, and in order to
gain speed Germany committed one of the greatest crimes in modern
history.

From the nearest point on the German boundary to Paris is only one
hundred and seventy miles. But no rapid invasion of France could be made
in this direction for two reasons: first, because of the very strong
forts which protected the French frontier; and second, on account of the
nature of the land, which presents to the east a series of five easily
defended ridges, each of which would have to be stormed by an invader. A
German attack directly across the French frontier could move but slowly
past these natural and military obstacles; and the French nation would
have ample time to mobilize its forces.

Consequently the German military leaders determined to attack France
from the northeast. Here a comparatively level plain stretched from
Germany through Belgium and France up to Paris itself. Many good roads
and railways traversed the land. Few natural barriers existed to aid the
defenders, and France, trusting to the neutrality of Belgium, had no
strong fortifications on her northeastern frontier. One obstacle to
German invasion existed; it was what the German Chancellor once[2]
called "a scrap of paper"--a promise to respect the neutrality of
Belgium, which Prussia, France, and England had agreed to by formal
treaties. Similar treaties guaranteed the neutrality of Luxemburg, a
small country east of Belgium. Upon these promises France had depended
for the protection of her northeastern border; for the German Empire had
accepted all the rights and all the duties of the treaties made by
Prussia. But now, under the plea of necessity which "knows no law," the
German rulers determined to break their promises, violate the neutrality
of Belgium and Luxemburg, and crush France before an aroused and alarmed
world could interfere.

BELGIUM BLOCKS THE GERMAN PLAN.--The invasion of Belgium had two
results which the Germans had not foreseen. In the first place, it
brought Great Britain immediately into the war to the aid of Belgium
and France. In the second place, the Belgian king and people refused to
be bought off with a promise of compensation; they made the high
decision to defend their country as long as possible against the
terrible German army-machine. Said the Belgian king: "A country which
defends itself commands the respect of all; that country cannot perish."
This action of Belgium disarranged the German army plans; instead of
reaching Paris according to schedule, the Germans were delayed in
Belgium for ten days. These ten days were full of horror and suffering
and defeat for the brave Belgians; but they are precious days in the
light of history. They gave time for the French to mobilize their armies
and bring them up to the northeast; and they enabled Great Britain to
send across the English Channel her first hundred thousand troops. In
this way Paris was saved from capture, and France from conquest; and
probably the whole world from German domination. The German plans for
world conquest met their first defeat at the hands of brave little
Belgium. The would-be conquerors had forgotten to include in their
time-table the elements of honor, patriotism, and self-sacrifice.

[Illustration: THE WESTERN FRONT 1914]

THE GERMAN ADVANCE.--Luxemburg was occupied without resistance, for
that little country had no army. On August 4, 1914, the German armies
attacked the Belgian fortress of Liege (lee-[)e]zh´), and within
twenty-three days Belgium was overrun, its capital taken, and all the
important places except Antwerp captured. After the delay in Belgium,
the main German armies advanced into France. Here they were met (August
21-23) by French and British troops; but the defenders were not yet
strong enough to stop the German advance. For twelve days they fell back
toward Paris, fighting continually, until the invaders were within
twenty miles of the city. The French government and archives were
withdrawn from Paris to Bordeaux in the southwest, so imminent seemed
the capture of the capital. The battle line now extended for one hundred
and seventy-five miles eastward from near Paris to the fortress of
Verdun.

THE FIRST BATTLE OF THE MARNE.--In the meantime the French commander,
General Joffre (zhofr), had secretly been collecting another army with
which to attack the invaders on the flank from the west. At the right
moment he hurled this army upon the German flank, while the men on the
main battle line were commanded to "face about and accept death rather
than surrender." On September 6-10 took place the first great battle of
the Marne, during which the Germans, under these new attacks, were
compelled to retreat fifty miles from their most advanced position. The
French armies had rescued Paris in the nick of time. The French
government once more returned to its capital. "France had saved herself
and Europe."

THE RACE TO THE COAST.--On reaching the river Aisne (ân) the German
armies had time to entrench themselves and thus beat off the heavy
attacks of the French and British (September 12-17). The Allied armies
in turn began to entrench opposite the German positions. But both armies
turned toward the north in a race to reach the North Sea and outflank
the enemy. The Germans were particularly anxious to reach Calais
(ca-l[)e]´) and cut the direct line of communication between England and
France. Antwerp surrendered to the Germans on October 9; Lille (leel) on
the 13th. In tremendous massed attacks the Germans sought in vain to
break through the British lines (Battle of Flanders, October 17 to
November 15). The German losses were upwards of 150,000 men. On the
coast the Belgians cut the dikes of the river Yser ([=i]´ser) and flooded
the neighboring lowlands, thus putting a stop to any further advance of
the enemy.

TRENCH WARFARE.--By this time the combatants had reached a temporary
deadlock. Both had adopted trench tactics, and for over three hundred
miles, from the sea to the Swiss border, two systems of entrenchments
paralleled one another. The trenches were protected in front by
intricate networks of barbed wire. Looked at from above, the trenches
seemed to be dug with little system. But they rigidly adhered to one
military maxim,--that fortifications must not continue in a straight
line, because such straight trenches are liable to be enfiladed from
either end. Hence the trenches curve and twist, with here and there
supporting trenches and supply trenches. Sometimes the trenches are
covered; sometimes dugouts and caves are constructed. Every turn or
corner is protected with machine-guns. In some portions of the line
these trenches faced one another for over four years with scarcely any
change in their relative locations.

GERMAN TREATMENT OF OCCUPIED TERRITORY.--Eastward of the German
trenches lay all of Belgium except a very small corner, and the richest
manufacturing districts of France, including eighty per cent of the
iron and steel industries, and fifty per cent of the coal. On the other
hand the Allies had occupied only a small section of German territory at
the southern end of the line, in Alsace.

German occupation of Belgium and northeastern France was accompanied by
horrible barbarities and systematic frightfulness, which were in
violation of the Hague Conventions as well as of other laws and usages
of civilized warfare. The aim at first was to terrorize the people and
reduce them to a condition of fear and of servility to the conquerors.
Men and women were executed without adequate evidence or trial; many
German soldiers were quartered in the homes; at the slightest sign of
resistance innocent persons were punished for the guilty; immense fines
and forced contributions were imposed upon the communities; furniture,
works of art, beautiful buildings, and historic structures were
ruthlessly pillaged and destroyed. In the second place, the Germans
began a systematic plundering of the occupied country, taking for
transportation to Germany anything they deemed useful or valuable.
Nearly every article made of metal, wool, rubber, or leather was seized.
Machinery from Belgian and French factories was taken to German
establishments. Households were compelled to surrender bathtubs, door
knobs and knockers, kitchen utensils, gas fixtures, bedclothes, etc.
Food, farm animals, and farm products were confiscated; and the
population was saved from actual starvation only by the energies of
Belgium's friends in France, England, and America. At a later time, a
third policy of the Germans was to drag Belgian and French young men and
women away from their families and relatives and compel them to work far
from their homes in factories, fields, and mines. Probably more than two
hundred thousand persons were forced into this industrial slavery.
Finally, where the Germans were forced to retire from the lands they had
occupied in northern France and in Belgium, they sought to reduce much
of the evacuated territory to a desert condition. Not only were bridges
and roads destroyed, but houses, factories, and churches were leveled to
the ground, and the foundation walls and cellars were obliterated. In
some parts of France even the fruit trees and grapevines, the product of
many years' growth and care, were systematically destroyed, and
everything which might make the land habitable disappeared.

THE WAR IN THE EAST.--As has already been explained, the German
military leaders had counted upon a rapid crushing of France by way of
Belgium before Russia should have time to complete her military
preparations for attacking eastern Germany. But during the time lost
through the unexpected resistance of Belgium huge Russian armies were
gathered together in Russian Poland for an invasion of Germany and
Austria-Hungary.

The western border of Russian Poland is less than two hundred miles from
Berlin. But Russia could not advance along this road without running
the risk of having the Germans from the north and the Austrians from the
south cut off her armies from their sources of supply in Russia. In
other words, Russia dared not advance on Berlin without first driving
the Germans out of East Prussia and the Austrians from Galicia. Hence
the plan of her campaign in 1914 was to invade these two provinces.

[Illustration: EASTERN FRONT Dec. 31, 1914]

BATTLE OF TANNENBERG.--Two Russian armies entered East Prussia in the
middle of August. At first they met with success. The nature of the
country, however, was against them, as there was a chain of almost
impassable lakes, marshes, and rivers stretching across their route. In
this difficult territory they were surprised by German reinforcements
which had been rushed to the east. In the battle of Tan´nenberg (August
26-31), the German troops under the command of General von Hindenburg
inflicted a crushing defeat upon the Russians, capturing 70,000 men and
large quantities of supplies. Hindenburg followed up his success, and
the Russians were completely expelled from East Prussia.

THE RUSSIANS OVERRUN GALICIA.--The second part of the Russian plan,
the invasion of Galicia, was more successful. In September the important
city of Lemberg was taken, and the fortress of Przemysl (pshem´ishl) was
besieged. By December almost the whole province was in Russian hands.
South of Galicia, separating it from Hungary, are the Carpathian
Mountains. Russian troops penetrated the passes of this mountain wall
and conducted a series of successful raids upon the plains of northern
Hungary.

THE RUSSIAN SITUATION AT THE CLOSE OF 1914.--At the end of the year
Russia, while she had achieved success in Galicia, had failed in East
Prussia. An advance toward Berlin was for the time out of the question.
Indeed the Germans had themselves taken the offensive and had entered
Russian Poland. In October an advance of German and Austrian troops
threatened Warsaw, the most important city in Poland. The Russians in
spite of strong efforts were unable to drive their enemies entirely out
of this region. On the whole, therefore, the Russian situation at the
end of 1914 was disappointing. Russia's accomplishment consisted of her
victories in Galicia, and, probably more important, the drawing of
German troops from the western front and the consequent weakening of
Germany's offensive in France and Belgium. Russia was no farther on the
road to Berlin than at the opening of the war.

SERBIAN RESISTANCE TO AUSTRIA.--An Austrian attempt to overwhelm
Serbia in the first weeks of the war met with disastrous failure. This
was due to two causes: (1) the brave resistance of the Serbian troops;
(2) the fact that the greater part of the Austrian forces had to be used
for defense against the Russian invaders of Galicia. Serbia after severe
fighting compelled the Austrians to retreat beyond their own boundaries.
Early in September the Serbians took the offensive and began an invasion
of Austria-Hungary. This venture failed, and before long Serbia was once
more resisting the enemy on her own soil. Belgrade fell into Austrian
hands on December 2. It did not long remain in the possession of the
conquerors. On the 14th, it was regained by the Serbians, and the
Austrian armies once more expelled. The little Balkan kingdom seemed to
be holding her own.

TURKEY ENTERS THE WAR.--In the years before the war, Germany had
carefully cultivated the friendship of the Turkish government. By means
of intrigue, she had practically made herself master of that country,
particularly in military matters. The Turkish army had been trained by
Germans, and many of its officers were Germans. Although at the opening
of the war Turkey declared herself neutral, she soon showed herself an
ally of the Central Powers. There is evidence to show that as early as
August 4 she had entered into a secret treaty with Germany. In October
Turkey startled the world by bombarding a Russian port on the Black Sea
and destroying French and Russian vessels at Odessa. These acts were
regarded by Russia as acts of war. A few days later France and Great
Britain declared war on Turkey.

[Illustration: GERMAN COLONIES and locations of early naval
engagements.]

Germany welcomed the entrance of Turkey into the war for two reasons. In
the first place she expected that the Mohammedans under English and
French rule, that is, those living in Morocco, Algeria, Egypt, and
India, would join the Turkish Sultan, the religious head of the
Mohammedan world, and engage in a "Holy War" against Great Britain and
France. In this hope she was doomed to disappointment. In the second
place Germany rejoiced at the arrival of a new enemy for Russia who
might keep the Russians occupied along their southern borders and so
weaken their efforts on other fronts.

GERMAN COLONIES IN THE PACIFIC.--During the first four months of the
war all of Germany's possessions in the Pacific were lost to her. On the
outbreak of the war, Australia and New Zealand promptly organized
expeditionary forces which attacked and captured the German colonies and
coaling stations situated south of the Equator. German Samoa, the first
to be taken, surrendered to the New Zealand expeditionary force August
29. The other German possessions in the South Pacific surrendered to the
Australians.

England's ally, Japan, having entered the war August 23, 1914, sent an
expeditionary force which captured and occupied the German islands in
the North Pacific. Kiaochow (kyou´ch[=o]´), Germany's only colony in China,
was captured by a combined Japanese and British force early in November.

The loss of these colonies so early in the war interfered seriously with
German plans for a war on Allied commerce by fast cruisers. In the
absence of German coaling stations, the only way such vessels could
obtain coal during a long raiding voyage, would be by the chance capture
of coal-laden vessels.

GERMAN COLONIES IN AFRICA.--During the last quarter century Germany
had succeeded in getting control of considerable territory in Africa.
There were few German colonists there. However, Germany hoped that the
Boers, who had recently fought a war with the British, and had been
defeated, would attempt to regain their independence. In this case there
was also the possibility of capturing Cape Colony and Rhodesia from the
British. Much to the surprise and disgust of Germany, the Boers promptly
showed their loyalty to Great Britain and aided in capturing the German
colonies.

The struggle for Germany's African colonies continued for more than
three years. Togo, a comparatively small colony, was captured by French
and British troops shortly after the outbreak of the war. Under the Boer
leaders, Generals Smuts and Botha, German Southwest Africa was conquered
by July of 1915. Kamerun in West Africa was freed from German forces in
1916. The final chapter in the fight for the German colonies was written
in December of 1917, when an army from British South Africa, in
coöperation with Belgian forces, completed the conquest of German East
Africa.

GERMANY'S FLEET.--When war was declared the German fleet, which had
cost the people of Germany a billion and a half of dollars, was
something less than two thirds the strength of the British fleet.
Germany's task was to destroy the British fleet or to weaken it to such
an extent that it could no longer protect the British trade in food and
munitions from over seas, nor assure the safe transport of troops from
Great Britain or her colonies to the various fronts.

THE WORK OF THE BRITISH NAVY.--The British navy had two pieces of work
to perform. In the first place its aim was to destroy or bottle up in
port the main German fleet so that it should not be able to interfere
with the British plans for the war. In the second place squadrons had to
be sent out to search for and destroy German squadrons or vessels that
were far from home ports at the outbreak of war or that were sent out to
raid British and neutral commerce.

COAST PROTECTION.--Both Great Britain and Germany protected their
coasts by laying fields of mines in the sea so placed that they would
float just under water and arranged to explode on contact with the hull
of a ship. Through these mine fields carefully hidden channels gave
access to the different ports. So long as ships stayed in port or
inside the fields of mines they were safe from attack.

THE BLOCKADE OF GERMAN PORTS.--In July, 1914, the British navy had a
grand review. When the review was over, the war clouds were so
threatening that the vessels were not dismissed to their stations. At
the beginning of the war Great Britain announced a blockade of German
ports and assigned to her main fleet the task of carrying out the
blockade.

THE BATTLE OF HELGOLAND BIGHT.--Hel´goland is a small island rising
steeply out of the North Sea; it has an area of one fifth of a square
mile. It was ceded to Germany by England about twenty years before the
war. Germany had fortified it and made it a sort of German Gibraltar to
protect her chief naval ports. The Bight of Helgoland is the passage
about eighteen miles wide between the island and the German coast. Here
a portion of the British fleet engaged in patrol or scout duty came in
contact with a part of the German fleet (August 28, 1914). The arrival
of four fast British battleships decided the contest. Germany lost three
cruisers and two destroyers, while every British vessel returned to
port, though some were badly battered.

GERMAN COMMERCE RAIDERS.--A few days before the outbreak of the war
the German fleet in China slipped out of port. The cruiser "Emden" was
detached for work in the Indian Ocean, and the rest of the squadron
raided over the Pacific. November 1, a British squadron met the German
ships near the coast of Chile. In a little over an hour two of the
British ships had been sunk and the remainder fled to the south.
Immediately on news of the defeat the British Admiralty sent a squadron
of seven powerful ships to find and destroy the German squadron. The
British vessels stopped at the Falkland Islands to coal. The next day
the German ships appeared. When they saw the strength of the British
squadron they vainly attempted to escape. In the battle that followed,
four German vessels were sunk. Of the two that escaped one was, a few
months later, interned in a United States port and about the same time
the other was destroyed.

The "Emden," after separating from the other warships, cruised in the
Indian Ocean for three months, and was the most destructive of the
German raiders. She was finally located by an Australian cruiser. After
a fight the German captain drove his vessel on the rocks to escape
sinking. A lieutenant and forty men who had landed to destroy a wireless
station, seized a schooner and escaped, landed on the coast of Arabia,
and finally made their way back to Germany.

NAVAL SITUATION AT THE CLOSE OF 1914.--As a result of the activities
of the Allied fleets, the German navy was shut up in port back of its
mine fields, German commerce raiders had, with a few exceptions, been
driven from the sea or destroyed, German merchant vessels were laid up
in neutral or German ports, and the Allies were free to carry on the
transport of troops, munitions, and other supplies with practically no
fear of interference from the enemy. "The British ships, whether
men-of-war or merchantmen, are upon the sea, the German in their ports."

    SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY.--1. Locate Metz, Cologne, Liege,
    Namur, Lille, Verdun; the Meuse, the Marne, the Oise, the
    Aisne; Lemberg, Warsaw, Königsberg. 2. Look at a large map of
    Europe and by reference to the scale find out the following
    distances: Metz to Paris; Cologne to Paris (via Liege);
    Verdun to Berlin; Verdun to Strassburg; Liege to Paris;
    Warsaw to Berlin. What is the length of the Belgian
    coast-line; of the Dutch coast-line; of the Franco-German
    frontier? 3. Collect pictures and charts illustrative of
    trench warfare, and of devastated areas of Belgium and
    France. 4. Explain fully the influence of geography upon the
    campaigns of 1914. 5. Define neutrality; guarantee; treaty.
    6. On an outline map of Europe indicate the countries
    fighting against Germany at the close of 1914. Indicate those
    fighting on the side of Germany at that time. Indicate the
    date when each of these countries entered the war. Draw a
    line showing the farthest German advance into France, and the
    farthest Russian advance into Germany and Austria (map, page
    124). 7. What might have been the consequences if the
    Belgians had not resisted the German invasion? 8. Describe
    the German effort to reach the French coast in 1914. What
    would have been the probable consequences of its success? 9.
    What was the purpose of the English blockade of Germany? How
    did this blockade affect the rights of neutrals? Find out
    what the United States government did in the matter.

    REFERENCES.--_War Cyclopedia_ (C.P.I.); _Study of the Great
    War_ (C.P.I.); McKinley, _Collected Materials for the Study
    of the War; National School Service_, Vol. I, No. 3 (C.P.I.);
    _New York Times History of the European War_.

FOOTNOTES:

[2] In an interview with the British ambassador, as reported by the
ambassador August 4, 1914.




CHAPTER IX

THE WAR IN 1915


THE WESTERN FRONT.--The deadlock which existed on the western front at
the close of 1914 continued with little change during the year 1915.
There were indeed many contests which, on account of the men involved
and the casualties, would in previous wars have been considered major
engagements; but in spite of great preparations neither side was able to
make much impression upon the entrenched line of the enemy. From the sea
to the Swiss border two apparently impregnable lines of trenches faced
each other.

German ingenuity and barbarity were shown in two new forms of warfare
introduced during this year. Poison gas was first used, contrary to the
terms of the Hague Conventions, against the Allied line on April 22,
1915. It brought on the most horrible forms of suffering and torture,
and compelled a temporary withdrawal of the French and English from
trenches near Ypres (eepr). Later, masks were used as a preventive of
gas poisoning. Eventually the Allies were forced to adopt the use of
poisonous gases in bombs and shells in order to fight the Germans with
their own weapon. The other innovation was the "flame-thrower," an
apparatus which threw a flame of burning liquid or gas far ahead of the
troops. This has never been widely used by the Germans, because it
proved almost as dangerous to themselves as it was to their opponents. A
sharpshooter's bullet or a piece of shell might pierce the apparatus and
the containers and produce dangerous results among the Germans.

THE GALLIPOLI CAMPAIGN.--In the east the year opened with an attempt
on the part of the Allies to force the Dardanelles with their fleets and
take possession of the city of Constantinople. The campaign gets its
name from the peninsula of Gallip´oli, the European shore of the
Dardanelles. In February the campaign opened with a naval attack. The
Turkish fortifications, however, were strong enough to defeat a purely
naval attempt and the Allied fleets met with heavy losses. It has been
stated since that had the Allies continued the attack one more day the
Turks would have had to yield, as their ammunition was nearly exhausted.
In April troops were landed on the peninsula to aid in the attack. The
landing was accomplished at a terrible cost of life. Siege operations
were then begun against the Turkish and German forces defending the
peninsula. Month after month the fighting continued, but nothing worth
while was accomplished. Finally, in January of the next year, the
campaign was abandoned. It had cost the Allies heavily in money and
lives, and its failure had lost to them the respect of the hesitating
nations of southeastern Europe, Bulgaria and Greece.

THE WAR ON THE RUSSIAN BORDER.--Along the Russian frontier also the
Allied cause met with serious reverses. The year had opened favorably
with the Russians in control of most of Galicia. In March the great
Galician fortress of Przemysl, which had successfully withstood the
attacks of the Russians the previous autumn, was compelled to surrender.

Meanwhile, in January, Russia once more attempted to carry out the other
part of her general plan, the invasion of East Prussia. The Russian
troops succeeded as before in entering the coveted territory, this time
crossing the troublesome lake region while the waters were frozen. Soon,
however, the invaders met with a decisive defeat. In the Battle of the
Mazurian Lakes, General Von Hindenburg took 100,000 Russian prisoners;
the number of killed and wounded Russian soldiers is said to have been
150,000. The Russians hurriedly retreated from German soil.

The time had now come for the Germans and Austrians definitely to assume
the offensive. A strategic blow in Galicia imperiled the whole Russian
front and compelled a general retreat of the Russian armies in Galicia
and Poland. In June both Przemysl and Lemberg were recaptured by the
Central Powers. By September all of Russian Poland had been conquered.
Russia had lost 65,000 square miles of thickly populated territory. But
the land was so thoroughly plundered by the German conquerors that many
of the people died of starvation.

BULGARIA ENTERS THE WAR.--The sympathies of the Bulgarian government
had been with the Central Powers from the beginning of the war. Bulgaria
had not forgiven the neighboring Balkan states for their treatment of
her in the second Balkan war (1913). Against Serbia her feeling was
particularly bitter. The Allied disaster at Gallipoli and the military
successes of Germany and Austria in Poland and Galicia in the spring and
summer of 1915 led the Bulgarians to believe that now was the time for
them to strike. In October Bulgaria declared war upon Serbia, thus
definitely taking her stand as an ally of the Central Powers.

Bulgaria's entrance into the war was followed by simultaneous invasions
of Serbia from Austria and from Bulgaria. Under these blows the Serbians
were crushed. Together with her neighbor and ally, brave little
Montenegro, Serbia was overrun by her enemies. The cruelties inflicted
upon the Serbian population by the invading Bulgars are said to have
been fully as horrible as those which had taken place during the
conquest of Belgium in 1914 and of Poland in 1915.

There was serious danger that the government of Greece would follow the
lead of Bulgaria and also enter the war on the side of the Central
Powers. This was prevented by two things. In the first place, a majority
of the Greek people favored the cause of the Allies and were opposed to
Bulgaria. In the second place, the Allies promptly landed an army at
Salonica. Later on, they removed Constantine, the pro-German king of
Greece, and placed his son Alexander upon the throne.

THE EAST AT THE CLOSE OF 1915.--On the eastern front 1915 had been a
year of failure. The Gallipoli campaign had been a humiliation for the
Allies. The Russians had been driven from Russian Poland and from the
Austrian province of Galicia. Bulgaria had joined the Central Powers,
linking Austria-Hungary with Turkey. Serbia, the country whose quarrel
had been the occasion of the whole world struggle, had been conquered by
the enemies of the Allies.

ITALY ENTERS THE WAR.--In May, 1915, Italy declared war upon Austria,
and more than a year later upon Germany. Her reasons for this action
were: (1) her old enmity toward Austria; (2) her desire to annex the
neighboring territory inhabited by Italians, but ruled by Austria; and
(3) her feeling that Austria was opposed to Italian interests in the
Balkans.

Italy entered the war with vigor although at a great disadvantage. When
the northern Italian lands were freed from Austrian rule in 1866,
Austria kept the highlands and mountain passes, from which she could
easily descend upon the Italian lowlands. Now that war was begun, the
Italians were compelled to force their way up the heights and against
the fire from well-protected Austrian forts. Here upon the dizzy peaks
of the Alps, or the icy surfaces of glaciers, or the rocky mountain
sides, warfare has been more spectacular and has called for more daring
and recklessness than anywhere else. Slides of rock and avalanches of
ice sometimes have been the ammunition of armies. During the year the
Italians made some progress and by December occupied positions well
within the Austrian frontier; but no decisive battle had been fought or
important city or fortress occupied.

ALLIED CONTROL OF THE SEA.--Throughout 1915--as in the preceding and
the following years--the Allies maintained their control of the ocean.
As a result of a proclamation declaring the North Sea a military area,
and the more strict enforcement of the proclamation against sending
contraband articles to Germany, the blockade against the Central Powers
was more tightly drawn.

This seriously affected the commerce of the United States, not only with
Germany but with neutral countries, such as Holland or Sweden, that
could easily transship to Germany the supplies received. Neutral vessels
were stopped and taken into Allied ports, there to be detained sometimes
for long periods until a decision was reached as to the legality of
their traffic. Moreover, the expense of this detention was laid upon the
owners of the vessel and cargo. These acts brought forth a series of
protests by our government against the policy of the Allies. The
correspondence continued with varying results until the United States
entered the war.

FORCED DECREASE OF NEUTRAL TRADE WITH GERMANY.--Neutral countries
adjoining Germany had been making huge profits by selling their food and
other products to Germany, replacing their stores with material imported
from over seas. As part of the preparation for a long war, the Allies
blocked the renewal of neutral stocks of goods. The neutral countries
complained vigorously, but they soon cut down their trade with Germany
since they were no longer able to replenish their stock of food, rubber,
metals, and other supplies.

SUBMARINE WARFARE.--In 1914, when the war broke out, Germany is said
to have had but four seaworthy submarines. It is difficult to believe
that she had so few, but it is certain that she did not have so many as
either England, France, or Russia. German naval authorities were not
convinced of the value of the submarine in war.

However, about a month after the war began, a German submarine torpedoed
a British cruiser, and, within a few minutes, two others that had gone
to assist the first. Germany, now realizing the value of the new weapon,
began the construction of a numerous fleet of underwater boats, or
U-boats. But against war ships, properly defended by guns and other
means, they proved of little avail after all. Toward the end of the
year, Admiral von Tirpitz, head of the German navy, hinted at an
extension of the use of submarines to attack merchant ships.

Soon numbers of the submarines made their way to the waters surrounding
the British Isles, where they torpedoed merchant vessels taking food and
supplies to Great Britain and France. The vessels sunk were chiefly
British, though some were neutral.

PROTECTION AGAINST SUBMARINES.--Large war ships were protected from
submarines by keeping them in a mine-protected area until there was need
for them at sea. At sea they were protected largely by the patrol and
scouting operations carried on by lighter and faster vessels. To reduce
the danger to merchant vessels from submarines, harbors and sea lanes
were protected by mines and by great nets made of heavy wire cables. The
seas in the immediate vicinity of Great Britain were patrolled by
thousands of small, swift vessels constantly in search of U-boats.

ATTEMPTED BLOCKADE OF GREAT BRITAIN.--In February, 1915, Germany
declared a blockade of the British Isles. Under an actual blockade she
would have the right to prevent neutral vessels from trading with Great
Britain. But inasmuch as it was not possible to take seized neutral
ships to German ports, the submarines would sink them, often without
providing for the safety of the passengers and crews. The ultimate
object of this course of action was so to reduce the world's shipping as
to make it impossible for Great Britain to be supplied with the food or
other materials that would enable her to carry on the war. This method
of warfare, however, was contrary to the well established rules of
international law. Against it the United States and other neutrals made
vigorous protests.

THE LUSITANIA.--The most notable loss by submarine attack was that of
the "Lusitania," sunk without warning off the coast of Ireland on May 7,
1915. Nearly twelve hundred lives were lost, including many women and
children. One hundred and fourteen of those lost were Americans. An
advertisement had been inserted in the papers warning passengers not to
travel on Allied ships, but no one believed that Germany would go so far
in violation of international law as to torpedo, without warning, a
passenger vessel carrying civilians of neutral as well as of warring
nations. The people of the whole civilized world were horrified by the
deed. Germany's attitude is shown by the fact that medals were struck
commemorating the act, and the commander of the submarine was rewarded.

President Wilson wrote a series of notes to the German government
insisting that Germany conduct her warfare in accordance with
international law. This resulted in a promise by the German minister to
the United States, that liners would not be sunk by German submarines
without warning and without safety to the lives of noncombatants,
provided that the liners did not try to escape or offer resistance.

RAIDS ON COAST TOWNS.--Several times in 1914 German vessels managed to
escape through the cordon of Allied ships. They proceeded to the east
coast of England and bombarded defenseless fishing ports and watering
places such as Yarmouth, Whitby, and Scarborough. These raids had no
military effect, but they resulted in the killing or wounding of
hundreds of women, children, and old men. They were undertaken for the
purpose of terrorizing the civilian population of England in order to
arouse a desire for peace. In January, 1915, a German squadron
attempting a similar raid was intercepted and defeated by British war
ships.

ZEPPELINS.--At the outset Germany had great faith in the usefulness of
her immense dirigible balloons, or Zep´pelins, as they are commonly
called. In the attack on Belgium, they were used for observation,
incidentally dropping a few bombs on Antwerp. Early in 1915, Zeppelins
made their appearance over England, bombing many of the smaller towns
and villages, as well as London. Such raids might have some effect on
the war if they were directed toward munition plants, railway stations,
or naval depots. The Germans, however, generally contented themselves
with attacks on defenseless residential towns and cities. Up to October,
1917, there were thirty-four such raids, resulting in the death of
nearly one thousand persons and the wounding of three times as many. The
result on the military situation was practically zero, except to
increase the British determination to see the war through.

Later the protection afforded Great Britain by anti-aircraft guns and
especially by airplanes, made it highly dangerous for Zeppelins to
continue their raids. Many of them were destroyed. The later raids were
made by squadrons of airplanes which had greater chances of escape.
German air raiders found it increasingly difficult to get past the
defenses, and in 1918 the raids on England became infrequent.

ALLIED RETALIATION.--For a long time the Allies refused to retaliate
by bombing unfortified towns in Germany, but finally they decided to do
so. The immediate results were a protest from Germany that the Allies
were violating international law, and a petition to the German
authorities from the towns in western Germany, asking that air raids on
places not in the military area should be stopped, so that the German
cities should not be bombed in retaliation. Nearly all such Allied air
raids, however, were directed against railroads, munition factories, and
other objects of military importance.

THE ALLIES ORGANIZE FOR A LONG WAR.--When Lord Kitchener, the great
British general, predicted that the war would last at least three years,
hardly any one believed him. It was thought that the cost of a modern
war would be so great that nations would not be able to stand the strain
for more than a few months. When the Allies realized that Kitchener was
right, they prepared for a long struggle. The munition factories in all
the countries were reorganized, and the output of war material was
increased many fold, more being produced in a few days than had formerly
been produced in a year. Great Britain and France appointed ministers of
munitions whose sole work was to see that the armies were supplied with
guns, ammunition, and other fighting needs.

The people in the British overseas dominions remained loyal, and sent
hundreds of thousands of soldiers to the battle fronts in order to
protect the mother country from threatened defeat. To secure still
greater coöperation throughout the British Empire, the prime ministers
of the self-governing colonies were invited to places in the British
imperial war conferences.

    SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY.--1. Locate Przemysl, Lemberg, the
    Mazurian Lakes, Scarborough, Helgoland, Essen. 2. On an
    outline map of Europe indicate the countries engaged in the
    war at the end of 1915. Which of these countries had entered
    during the year? 3. By use of the scale on your map of Europe
    determine the following distances: Ostend to Scarborough;
    Berlin to Warsaw; Brussels to Paris. 4. When did the kingdom
    of Poland pass out of existence? What became of it? 5. What
    was the purpose of the Allies in the Gallipoli campaign? What
    would have been the consequences of the success of this
    campaign? 6. Collect pictures of Zeppelins, of gas attacks,
    and of methods of defense against gas.

    REFERENCES.--_War Cyclopedia_ (C.P.I.); _Study of the Great
    War_ (C.P.I.); _New York Times History of the European War_;
    McKinley, _Collected Materials for the Study of the War;
    German War Practices_ (C.P.I.), parts I and II.




CHAPTER X

THE WAR IN 1916


"THEY SHALL NOT PASS!"--Early in 1916 the Germans began a furious
attack on the strong French position at Verdun. This point was a highly
important one for the French, because if it were captured by the enemy,
he could make flank attacks upon their adjoining lines and perhaps
compel a general retreat. The Germans had long been massing materials
and men for the greatest military offensive which the world had ever
seen. Twenty thousand men were placed on each mile of the front for a
distance of twenty-five miles, while hundreds of thousands more were
held in reserve. Thousands of guns of all sizes were brought up for the
attack. Under the command of the German crown prince, the German people
and the whole world were to be shown that the German army was still
invincible.

Beginning on February 21, the titanic struggle around Verdun continued
until July, when the attacks and counter-attacks were gradually
suspended. In the early attacks the French were driven in from advanced
positions, and then the Germans charged the heavily protected woodlands
and hills. In massed formation they advanced in the face of artillery,
machine-gun, and rifle fire of the heaviest character. The first waves
were mown down like grain; but other troops, and still others climbed
over the bodies of their dead comrades. Never since the world began had
such slaughter been seen.

During the intervals between the infantry attacks the French troops were
subjected to an unprecedented artillery fire. Suffering under a strain
such as armies had never hitherto known, the French patriots yet held
true to their watchword,--"They shall not pass." General Pétain
(p[=a]-t[)a]n´), in a stirring address, said to his entrenched heroes,
"Courage, we'll get them!" ("_Courage, on les aura!_"), and this phrase
became the Verdun battle-cry. Try as the Germans would, from every
possible point, they could not break through the living wall of
Frenchmen. A little ground was won here and there, but before the end of
the year nearly all had been retaken by the French. At a frightful cost
the German crown prince and his military advisers had put their fighting
machine to the test, and it had failed. A half million men, killed,
wounded, or prisoners, were lost to the Germans before they ceased their
attacks at this point.

THE BATTLE OF THE SOMME.--In July, 1916, while the Verdun struggle was
still undetermined, the French and British troops began an advance on
the German line along the river Somme (som). Exceedingly heavy artillery
attacks first battered down the enemy defenses, and then the infantry
went "over the top." During the long course of the Battle of the Somme
(July 1 to November 17) the Allies advanced on a front of twenty miles
to a maximum depth of about nine miles. Slowly, and at great expense of
ammunition and men on both sides, the Allied progress had been won. They
had failed to break through the German line, but they had shown how it
might gradually be pushed back. And they had relieved the important
position of Verdun from further severe attacks, because German forces
were needed to the westward.

In the course of this battle, on September 15, the British first used
their most original military machines--the "tanks." Thereafter these
armored cruisers of the land were to play an increasingly important part
along the western front.

INCREASED USE OF AIRCRAFT.--Aircraft, too, were every day becoming
more valuable. In the first year of the war airplanes were used mainly
for observation purposes: to find the location of enemy forts, trenches,
troops, and batteries; and to direct the fire of the aviator's own
batteries. Hundreds of photographs were taken by the airmen, rapidly
developed, and within thirty minutes the staff officers could be seen
studying them with microscopes to determine what changes had taken place
within the enemy's lines. Anchored balloons, too, were used for similar
purposes.

Airplane construction and use developed more rapidly than any other
feature in the war. After the observation machines, came the
battle-planes, whose first purpose was to clear the way and protect the
observation planes. Later, heavy machines for bombing expeditions were
constructed; and squadrons of airplanes now took part in every battle,
preceding the attacking party, and firing with machine-guns and bombs
upon the enemy's trenches or his massed troops back of the line.

[Illustration: Map]

THE RUSSIANS INVADE TURKEY IN ASIA.--In the early months of 1916
Russian troops met with success in an offensive in the part of Turkey
south of the Caucasus. This territory, known as Arme´nia, is inhabited
by a Christian population who for many years had been the victims of
Turkish persecutions; half a million were cruelly exterminated after
Turkey allied herself with Germany in 1914. The Russians advanced
steadily, inflicting serious defeats upon the Turkish forces. In
February they took possession of Erz´erum, a strongly fortified city of
Armenia. The capture of this point was of importance because it was a
step in the plan for coöperation with the British armies which were
pushing their way north from the region of the Persian Gulf. It had the
further important result of interrupting Turkish plans for an invasion
of Egypt by way of the Isthmus of Suez, as Turkey was compelled to
concentrate her power for the defense of her own territory.

In April, Treb´izond, the most important city on the Turkish shore of
the Black Sea, surrendered to the invading Russian army. The Russians,
supported by fleets along the coast, had made the defense of the city
impossible. The fall of Trebizond was a very serious blow to the power
of Turkey in Asia Minor.

THE CAMPAIGN IN MESOPOTAMIA.--Part of the Allied plan in the east was
for the junction of Russian armies operating from the region of the
Caucasus with British troops from the land around the Persian Gulf.
While the Russians, as we have seen, were making a noteworthy success of
their part of this program, the British had not been so fortunate. Their
plan was to take possession of Mesopotamia, the valley of the
Tigris-Euphrates, and occupy its capital, the famous city of Bagdad.
General Townshend with an insufficient force had begun his march up the
Tigris River the year before and in March, 1915, had occupied the
stronghold of Kut-el-Ama´ra, about 100 miles below Bagdad. Here later he
was besieged by a Turkish army. A Russian army on the way from Erzerum
and an English relief force from the south failed to reach the place in
time, and April 29, 1916, General Townshend was forced by starvation to
surrender.

RUSSIAN SUCCESSES IN AUSTRIA.--During the summer months the Russians
under the command of one of their greatest leaders, General Bru´silov,
renewed their offensive against the border lands of Austria-Hungary. It
looked for a while as if the disasters of 1915 in this region were about
to be redeemed. On a wide front extending from the Prip´et marshes in
eastern Poland all the way to Bukowina (boo-ko-vee´nah), the Austrian
province southeast of Galicia, the Russian armies advanced. They invaded
Galicia and took hundreds of thousands of Austrian prisoners. Austria
was compelled to transfer troops from her Italian front. The year 1916
closed with the Russians in a decidedly more favorable military position
than they had occupied a year before.

ROUMANIA IN THE WAR.--Roumania had long looked forward to an extension
of her boundaries to include all the Roumanians of southeastern Europe.
Across the border, in southeastern Hungary, were more than two million
Roumanians living in the large region known as Transylvania. The
annexation of Transylvania was one of the greatest ambitions of
Roumanian leaders. In August, 1916, encouraged by the promises of
Russia, her powerful neighbor and protector, Roumania entered the war on
the side of the Allies.

On her western front Roumania could easily defend herself from invasion
because of strong mountain barriers. Her point of danger was the
Bulgarian boundary between the Danube and the Black Sea. Here she should
have concentrated her strength for defense against the Bulgarian forces
or even for an offensive into Bulgaria. Instead she sent most of her
armies west into Transylvania. Presently a strong force of Germans and
Bulgarians crossed the border into southeastern Roumania (the Dobrudja)
and marched north in a resistless offensive. Meanwhile the Roumanians in
Transylvania, far from their base of supplies, had advanced too fast for
safety. Moreover, they suffered from a shortage of ammunition, probably
caused by the failure of certain pro-German Russian officials to
coöperate with the Roumanians as they had promised. A large German army
attacked the Roumanian forces and drove them back with heavy losses to
their own borders. The boundaries were then crossed by the invaders and
the greater part of the country occupied. This disaster brought enormous
advantages to the enemy. The battle front of the Central Powers was
shortened by five hundred miles, the oil and wheat fields which
constitute the chief wealth of Roumania fell into their hands, and their
communications with Turkey were materially strengthened.

THE ITALIAN FRONT.--The winter of 1915-1916 was uncommonly severe in
the Alps; snow thirty feet deep lay on some of the passes, and military
operations were brought almost to a standstill. During the spring the
Austrians made preparations for a great offensive against Italy,
collecting over a third of a million of men and enormous stores of
provisions and munitions. During May and June, 1916, this Austrian force
drove back the Italians from their advanced positions in the Trentino
valley. It seemed that the enemy would enter the valley of the Po and
capture the cities of the most prosperous part of Italy. But the farther
the Austrian army advanced, the more difficult it was to bring supplies
up the narrow Alpine valleys. Meantime, on the eastern frontier the
Russians began their great drive into Austrian territory. There was
nothing for the Austrians to do but retire from the Trentino front. This
they did with the loss of one third of their force, and of great
quantities of war material.

The Italians now took the offensive, not only on the Trentino, but also
on their eastern frontier, where, the year before, they had begun an
advance toward the "unredeemed" territory around Trieste (map, page 50).
The Ison´zo River was crossed and after months of warfare the city and
fortresses of Gorizia (go-rît´sî-a) were occupied (August 9, 1916). From
this point the Italians continued slowly, overcoming great difficulties,
on their way toward Trieste.

THE BATTLE OF JUTLAND, MAY 31, 1916.--A minor division of the British
fleet under Admiral Beatty was scouting in the neighborhood of Jutland
(the peninsula of Denmark). The main German fleet came out to attack
it. The small British squadron, instead of withdrawing, gave battle to
the whole German high seas fleet. After the fighting had gone on for
several hours in fog and mist, the British grand fleet approached, but
night came on before a decision was reached. During the night the German
fleet retired back of the defenses of mines and shore batteries. In the
battle the British fleet had lost three battle cruisers and fifteen or
sixteen other vessels. The German losses were not completely published
but were certainly heavier. The Germans claimed a victory, and a general
holiday was ordered that all might celebrate. Nevertheless, the British
vessels were on the scene the next morning picking up survivors, while
the German fleet has not (up to the present writing) come out of harbor
in order that it might try to repeat its so-called victory.

SUBMARINE WARFARE.--During the year 1916 Germans continued with
increasing success their policy of sinking merchant vessels, neutral and
enemy. Out of a total of nearly 4,000,000 tons of shipping destroyed
from the beginning of the war to January 1, 1917, more than half was
lost during 1916. Occasional loss of life also caused much doubt on the
part of our government as to whether Germany was keeping her pledge to
safeguard the lives of noncombatants on torpedoed liners.

When a passenger steamer, the "Sussex," plying between England and
France, was torpedoed without warning (March 24, 1916), eighty of the
passengers were killed or injured, two of the latter being Americans.
Germany at first said that one of her submarines had torpedoed a vessel
in the vicinity, but not the "Sussex." The finding of fragments of a
German torpedo on the "Sussex" after it was brought into port
conclusively proved that the Germans were responsible, and that Germany
had broken her promise. President Wilson addressed a note to the German
government, stating that he would sever diplomatic relations with it
unless Germany should both declare and effect an abandonment of her
unlawful methods of submarine warfare. Thereupon the German government
gave a written pledge that merchant ships "shall not be sunk without
warning and without saving human lives, unless these ships attempt to
escape or offer resistance." This pledge was given on the condition that
the United States should demand that Great Britain observe certain
(disputed) rules of international law; but our government refused to
agree that Germany's respect for our neutral rights should be made to
depend on the conduct of other nations. President Wilson thus made clear
his intention to sever diplomatic relations if Germany's pledge should
be withdrawn or violated.

CONSCRIPTION IN GREAT BRITAIN.--The British government had kept up its
army by volunteering. The need of an army of five million could not
depend on this plan. A conscription bill therefore was passed making all
males between certain ages liable for military service. Ireland was
excepted from the provisions of this act.

SINN FEIN REBELLION.--Some of the more radical among the Irish Home
Rule party had formed an organization known as the Sinn Fein (shin f[=a]n),
an Irish phrase which means "for ourselves." Their aim was to make
Ireland an independent nation. The leaders of this group got into
correspondence with persons in Germany and were promised military
assistance if they would rebel against England. The rebellion broke out
April 24, 1916, without the promised help from Germany. For several days
the rebels held some of the principal buildings in Dublin. After much
bloodshed the rebellion was put down, and Sir Roger Casement, one of
those who had been in communication with Germany, was executed for
treason.

    SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY.--1. On an outline map of Europe
    indicate the countries engaged in the war at the end of 1916.
    Indicate the date of the entrance of each and the side on
    which it was fighting. 2. Collect pictures illustrative of
    life in the Balkans and of the war in that region. 3. Locate
    Armenia. What do you know of the race and religion of its
    population? 4. Where is Bagdad? Why is it important for the
    British Empire that the valley of the Tigris-Euphrates should
    not fall into the possession of a strong hostile power? What
    do you know of the history of this region in ancient times?
    What may become of Mesopotamia at the close of the war? 5. In
    regard to Roumania tell what you know of its race, language,
    religion, and industries prior to the war. Compare this
    country with Bulgaria in regard to the facts you have
    mentioned.

    REFERENCES.--_War Cyclopedia_ (C.P.I.); _Study of the Great
    War_ (C.P.I.); McKinley, _Collected Materials for the Study
    of the War; New York Times History of the European War_.




CHAPTER XI

THE WAR IN 1917


THE WESTERN FRONT.--During the winter of 1916-1917 there was little
infantry warfare in France, although the heavy guns kept up their
cannonades. In the spring of 1917 the Allies planned a great drive on
the enemy positions in the valley of the Somme. But in March the Germans
began a general retirement to a more easily defended line--the so-called
Hindenburg line--on a front of one hundred miles, from Arras (ar-rahss´)
to Soissons (swah-sawn´)[3]. Completely destroying the villages,
churches, castles, vineyards, and orchards, they left a desolate waste
behind them. In this retreat the Germans gave up French territory to the
extent of thirteen hundred square miles.

The German retirement was closely followed by British and French troops.
Great courage was shown by Canadian troops in the taking of Vimy Ridge
on April 9. In the following month many attacks were made by the British
and French, which resulted in the taking of nearly 50,000 prisoners and
large quantities of munitions, and the breaking through the Hindenburg
line in one place. During the summer and fall the Allied attacks
continued to win small territorial gains. The artillery fire was very
heavy during all this time. During a period of three weeks the French
city of Rheims (reemz or r[)a]nss) alone, with its magnificent cathedral
almost in ruins, was bombarded with 65,000 large caliber German shells.

Two very important ridges, from which artillery could reach German
positions, were taken during the heavy fighting in November. The French
forced a retreat of the Germans over a thirteen-mile front and occupied
the ridge known as Chemin des Dames (shm[)a]n d[=a] dahm); while the Canadians
secured Passchendaele (pahss-ken-d[)e]l´[=a]) Ridge.

Late in the year the British introduced a new method of warfare. Instead
of beginning their attack with a great bombardment lasting many hours
and thus indicating to the enemy the approximate time and place of
attack, they sent over the front a large number of "tanks" which broke
through the barbed wire entanglements and opened the way for the
infantry. By this means the British successfully surprised the enemy in
the battle of Cambrai (cahn-br[)e]´; November 20 to December 13).
Unfortunately they could not hold most of the land occupied,--which was
lost later in the battle,--but they did show the possibility of breaking
the old deadlock of trench righting. The new method was to be used by
both sides during the campaigns of the following year.

THE WAR IN THE AIR.--During this year warfare in the air continued to
advance. Guynemer (geen-m[)e]r´), the great French ace, who was lost on
September 11, had to his credit the destruction of fifty-four enemy
machines. The increase in the number of airplanes led to the grouping of
large numbers into regular formations (escadrilles), sometimes composed
of over a hundred planes. Each year showed a steady increase in the
effectiveness of this kind of warfare. In 1916 a total of 611 enemy
machines had been destroyed or damaged by the Allied forces. In 1917 the
French destroyed forty-three in twenty-four hours; and the British
brought down thirty-one enemy planes in one combat. In a single week in
1918 the Allies destroyed 339 German planes. On one day, October 9,
1918, three hundred and fifty airplanes were sent forth by the American
army in a single bombing expedition.

THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION.--In 1917 the Allied cause received a heavy
blow through the collapse of the Russian government. Long before the war
there had been parties in Russia which desired to do away with the
autocratic government of the Czar and substitute some sort of
representative system which would give to the people a voice in the
management of their affairs. These reforming parties did not agree among
themselves as to the kind of government they wished to set up; their
ideas extended from limited monarchy of the English type, all the way to
anarchy, which means no government at all. In 1905 the Czar met the
wishes of the reformers to the extent of establishing the Duma, a sort
of representative assembly or parliament, which should help in making
the laws. The Duma, however, was never given any real authority, and as
time passed those who believed in Russian democracy became more and more
dissatisfied.

During the war the Germans by means of bribery and plotting did all they
could to weaken the authority of the Russian government. There existed,
moreover, much corruption and disloyalty among high Russian officials.
As the war dragged on a shortage of food added to the general
discontent. By the early months of 1917, conditions were very bad
indeed, and dissatisfied crowds gathered in the streets of Petrograd.
Hunger and hardship had made them desperate, and they refused to
disperse until the government should do something to relieve the
situation. Regiments of soldiers were summoned to fire upon the crowd.
They refused to do so and finally joined the mob. Thus began the Russian
Revolution.

At a meeting of the revolutionists a group of soldiers and working men
was selected to call upon the Duma and ask that body to form a temporary
government. Another committee was sent to inform Nicholas II that he was
deposed. Messages were sent to the armies to notify the generals that
there was no longer a Russian Empire and that they were to take their
orders thereafter from the representatives of the Russian people. Within
a few days the revolution was complete. On March 15, the Czar signed a
paper giving up the throne of Russia. Moderate reformers were placed in
charge of the different departments of the government. The new
government was recognized by the United States, Great Britain, France,
and Italy. It looked as if the revolution had established a free
government for Russia and that thenceforth, as a democratic nation, she
would fight better than ever by the side of her allies. In all the
Russian provinces, elections were called for choosing delegates to an
assembly that should make a new constitution for Russia.

RUSSIA UNDER KERENSKY.--Meanwhile the extreme socialists began at once
to make trouble for the new government. These men for the most part
owned no property and wanted all wealth equally divided among the entire
population. They considered the new government as tyrannical as that of
the Czar had been. They also favored an immediate peace. Chief among the
moderate leaders during this period was Alexander Keren´sky. He saw the
necessity of keeping the revolution within bounds. For a while he was
strong enough to maintain a moderate government in spite of the
opposition of the extreme socialists. The Germans, meanwhile, through
spies and secret agents, had been spreading among the Russian soldiers
the idea that Germany was really their friend and that it was to their
interest to stop fighting and retreat. Kerensky personally visited the
battle front in Galicia, and for a time by means of his rousing speeches
to the soldiers kept up their fighting spirit. New advances were made,
the Germans and Austrians being driven back many miles. Lemberg itself
seemed about to fall once more into the hands of the Russians. But this
success was only temporary. Owing to the shortage of ammunition and the
rapid spread of peace sentiments among the troops, the Russian army
became disorganized and retreated from Galicia.

THE BOLSHEVIKI.--Bolsheviki (b[=o]l-sh[)e]v´e-kee) is the name given to the
extreme socialistic party in Russia. From the beginning they had opposed
the control of affairs by the moderate revolutionists under Kerensky. At
last, in the fall of 1917, helped by the depression caused by the German
advance and by the strikes and food riots which once more broke out in
the capital, they succeeded in winning over to their side the Petrograd
garrison and the navy, and drove Kerensky from the city (November 7).
Their revolt was led by two of the most extreme members of the party,
Lenine and Trotzky, who had at their disposal large sums of money
furnished by Germany.

No sooner were the Bolsheviki in control than they announced themselves
in favor of an immediate peace. They proclaimed that all the land should
at once be divided among the peasants. When the new representative
assembly met to make a constitution, it was found to be too moderate to
suit the Bolshevik leaders, who dispersed it before it could accomplish
anything. The rule of Lenine and Trotzky promised to be even more
tyrannical than anything that had preceded it in Russia.

[Illustration: EUROPEAN BATTLE FRONTS End of 1917]

Meanwhile the Bolsheviki had arranged for an armistice with Germany with
a view toward immediate negotiations for peace. This arrangement for the
cessation of military operations became effective December 7. In spite
of its provisions, however, the Germans, who had taken Riga (ree´ga) in
September, continued their advance into Russian territory. By the close
of 1917 peace negotiations were in progress between Russia and her
enemies. Russia under Bolshevik control had definitely deserted her
allies.

THE BRITISH IN MESOPOTAMIA.--It will be remembered that the Allied war
plans in 1916 had included the junction of Russian armies operating from
the Caucasus with British troops advancing north from the Persian Gulf.
After the disaster at Kut-el-Amara the British still held the territory
about the mouth of the Tigris. In January, 1917, they began a new
advance up the river in the direction of Bagdad. This time their efforts
proved successful. In February, Kut-el-Amara was retaken from the Turks,
and on March 11 the British entered the city of Bagdad. They also
continued their advance a considerable distance along the Bagdad Railway
and occupied much of the Euphrates valley.

Still more important victories would probably have resulted from this
campaign had it not been for the outbreak of the Russian revolution.
This had the effect of weakening Russian military coöperation, and
finally of removing Russia entirely from the war, leaving to Great
Britain alone the task of dealing with the Turkish armies in Asia. But
the British kept their hold on the city of Bagdad, thus checkmating the
German scheme of a Berlin-Bagdad railway and protecting India from any
offensive on this side.

THE PALESTINE CAMPAIGN.--The year 1917 witnessed still another
military success for the British in Asia. The Turks had made several
attempts to seize the Suez Canal and so inflict a serious blow against
the communications of the Allies with the Far East. To remove, if
possible, the danger of further threats against this vital spot, the
English at last decided upon an offensive in that region. Early in 1917,
the British advance began. During January and February important
positions on the Sinai peninsula were seized. This success was followed
by a slow progress north into Palestine. The resistance of the Turks was
powerful and the British met with serious reverses. The terrible heat of
the summer months further held up their operations. In the fall,
however, the advance was resumed and a number of towns in the Holy Land
fell into the hands of the British. In November, Jaffa, the seaport of
Jerusalem, was taken. All the Turkish positions around the Holy City
were carried by storm, and on December 10 Jerusalem surrendered to
General Allenby.

This successful campaign in Palestine had several important results. The
capture of Jerusalem after almost seven centuries of Turkish control led
to general rejoicing among the Allied nations. Large numbers of Jews
throughout the world, who had long looked forward to the reëstablishment
of a Jewish nation in Palestine, now felt that a long step had been
taken toward the realization of their hopes. From a military point of
view, however, the chief result of the British campaign in Palestine was
that it definitely freed the Suez Canal from further danger of a Turkish
attack.

THE OFFENSIVE AGAINST ITALY.--At the beginning of 1917 the Italian
forces were within eleven miles of their great objective, the city and
port of Trieste. During the late spring and summer the advance
continued. Austrian trenches were occupied and tens of thousands of
Austrian soldiers were captured. After two years of effort it seemed
that the Italians would obtain the city and incorporate its
population--very largely Italian--into the kingdom of Italy. But
conditions in Austria and Germany had greatly changed. The cessation of
war by Russia relieved the Central Powers of the necessity of keeping
large armies on the eastern front. Further, the campaign had been going
against Germany on the western front, and an easy victory in Italy might
quiet criticism at home.

An immense army of Austrians and Germans was gathered together to attack
the Italian forces. The Italians were spread out in a semicircle about
one hundred and fifty miles long stretching from near Trent to within a
few miles of Trieste. The Austrians controlled the upper passes in the
mountains, so that they could attack this long line where they would.
Thus the Italian military position was difficult to defend. The campaign
began with a surprise attack by picked German troops at a point where
the morale of one Italian division had previously been weakened by the
pretended fraternizing of Austrian troops.

The Austro-German drive (October-December, 1917) swiftly undid the work
of two years of most arduous endeavor. The Italians were forced back
from Gorizia and compelled to surrender mountain positions which had
been captured by them at enormous cost. Back across the boundary they
retreated, losing heavily in men and material. The enemy advanced into
the low country near Venice, and it seemed for a time that the city
would fall into their hands. But British and French assistance was sent
to Italy, the Italian army recovered its spirit, and a permanent check
was put to the enemy's advance before Venice was reached. Upon a much
shorter but more defensible line the Italians held the enemy at bay in
the mountains and along the river Piave (pyah´v[=a]).

[Illustration: WAR ZONES]

UNRESTRICTED SUBMARINE WARFARE.--On January 31, 1917, the German
ambassador to the United States, Count von Bernstorff, announced to
President Wilson that Germany would begin unrestricted submarine warfare
the following day, in the waters around Great Britain and France,[4]
thus withdrawing the pledge given as a result of the sinking of the
"Sussex." Three days later the President handed Count von Bernstorff his
passports and recalled Ambassador Gerard´ from Berlin, thus severing
diplomatic relations with Germany.

During the next six months shipping was sunk at an average rate of
600,000 tons per month, three times as fast as before, and two or three
times faster than it was being replaced. The highwater mark was reached
in April, when 800,000 tons of shipping were destroyed. Unless this loss
could be greatly reduced the Allies for want of food and materials would
soon have to give up fighting.

But methods were quickly devised to combat the new danger. The patrols
were increased, ships voyaged under convoy of fast destroyers constantly
hovering about on the watch for submarines, and other protective
measures were taken, so that the submarine menace was soon much reduced.
By September, 1918, the sinkings were only about 150,000 tons a month,
while the production of ships, especially in the United States, has
increased to several times this amount.

Apparently Germany had waited until she had built a large number of
submarines, thinking that by the use of a great fleet of them in a
ruthless warfare on shipping she could force a peace within a few
months. In this expectation she was disappointed. The principal result
of the withdrawal of her pledge to this country was the entrance of the
United States into the war on the side of the Allies. Captain Persius,
an expert German naval critic, admitted in November, 1917, that the
German admiralty was grossly mistaken in its calculations and that
Germany had no reason for believing in the decisive influence of the
submarine war.

THE UNITED STATES DRIFTS TOWARD WAR.--The breaking off of diplomatic
relations is not a declaration of war. Nevertheless the events
immediately succeeding the withdrawal of Count von Bernstorff made a
declaration of war increasingly probable. The most important of these
were the publication of the Zimmerman note, the fact that several
American merchant ships were actually sunk by German submarines, and the
discovery that members of the German embassy and other German diplomatic
representatives had been concerned in plotting on United States soil
against the Allies, thus endangering our peaceful relations with them.
Not only so, but there was evidence that plots had been laid to destroy
American lives and property in this country and to stir up internal
disorders, such as strikes and riots.

THE ZIMMERMAN NOTE.--On the last day of February, the Secretary of
State published a note that had come into his possession which was
addressed by Dr. Zimmerman, the German foreign minister, to the German
minister in Mexico. The note stated that Germany would soon begin a
ruthless submarine warfare and proposed, if the United States should
declare war on Germany, that Mexico should enter into an alliance with
Germany. Germany was to furnish money and Mexico was to reconquer New
Mexico, Texas, and Arizona. It was also hinted that Mexico should
suggest to Japan that the latter country should come into the agreement.
The interesting thing about the note is that it was dated January 19,
twelve days before Germany announced to us her plan for ruthless
submarine warfare, and during a time when our relations with Germany,
though under a great strain, were still peaceable.

ARMED NEUTRALITY.--About the time the Zimmerman note was published,
President Wilson asked Congress to authorize the arming of American
merchant ships for their own defense. A small minority in Congress by
their obstructive tactics prevented the passage of the desired
resolution before Congress expired on March 4. On March 12 the President
announced that this country had determined to place an armed guard on
all United States merchant vessels, which under international law might
defend themselves from attack, although Germany denied this right. There
is no evidence, however, that there was any encounter between these
armed ships and German vessels prior to the outbreak of the war.

THE PRESIDENT'S WAR MESSAGE.--When Russia deposed the Czar and
established a democratic government, in March, 1917, the last reason was
removed which might have held us back from a declaration of war. Many
believed that it would have been illogical for us to fight for democracy
side by side with one of the greatest of autocracies. President Wilson
called Congress in special session and on April 2 delivered his famous
war message, asking Congress to declare that a state of war existed
between the United States and Germany.

In the message he told of the various acts of Germany which had led up
to the verge of war, recited the steps which our government had taken to
bring Germany to realize the inevitable results of her crimes against
civilization, and concluded by asking Congress to declare war. The
President stated that the aims of the United States in the war are:

1. That the people of every nation may determine the form of government
under which they wish to live.

2. That the small nations may have the right to exist and be protected
against aggression.

3. That the future peace of the world may be guaranteed through the
formation of a league of nations.

4. That the world may be made safe for democracy.

THE DECLARATION OF WAR.--In accordance with the recommendation of the
President, Congress declared war against Germany on April 6, 1917. War
was not declared at this time against Germany's allies, Austria, Turkey,
and Bulgaria. A few days later, however, at the instance of Germany,
Austria and Turkey broke off diplomatic relations. On December 7, 1917,
the United States declared war on Austria-Hungary.

Following the declaration of war with Germany, steps were at once taken
to put the country in a position to give effective aid to our
associates, and the President from time to time has requested Congress
to grant authority to do those things that would enable us to take an
active part in the war.

OTHER COUNTRIES ENTER THE WAR.--After the United States entered the
war, many other countries, especially Brazil and some of the Spanish
American countries, either broke off relations with Germany or declared
war against her. Most of these countries had close commercial
relationships with the United States, which would have been seriously
interfered with had they remained neutral.

SPURLOS VERSENKT.--The decision of some of the South American
countries to side against Germany was probably hastened by a typical
piece of German bad faith. Argentina was at peace with Germany. In spite
of that fact, the German minister at Buenos Aires (the Argentine
capital) telegraphed to his government that if possible Argentine ships
should be spared, but if not, they should be sunk without leaving a
trace ("_spurlos versenkt_)." This would involve the drowning or
murdering of the crews, so that there would be no inconvenient protest
on the part of the Argentine government. It should be added that at the
request of the German minister, the Swedish minister at Buenos Aires
sent these dispatches in code as if they were his own private messages.
In this way the German minister was able to have them sent over cable
lines controlled by the Allies.

    SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY.--1. What is a "tank"? What are small
    tanks called? 2. Define socialism; Bolsheviki. 3. On a map of
    Europe show Germany and her allies in black. Mark with black
    lines other territory held or controlled by the Central
    Powers at the close of 1917. 4. On a map of southern Europe
    show Italy's farthest advance into Austrian territory in
    1917. 5. Collect pictures of Rheims Cathedral, before and
    after being bombarded by the Germans; also pictures of other
    places destroyed by bombardments. Get pictures of different
    sorts of tanks and airplanes, of destroyers and Eagle boats.
    6. What was the object of the Germans in devastating the
    country when they retreated to the Hindenburg line? 7. Why
    did Germany think Mexico and Japan might join her in an
    attack on the United States? 8. What was the date on which
    the United States declared war on Germany? 9. Why did not the
    United States declare war on Turkey or Bulgaria? 10. Make a
    list of the countries of South America and Central America
    that declared war on Germany.

    REFERENCES.--_War Cyclopedia_ (C.P.I.); _The Study of the
    Great War_ (C.P.I.); _War, Labor, and Peace_ (C.P.I.); _How
    the War came to America_ (C.P.I.); _The War Message and the
    Facts Behind It_ (C.P.I.); _New York Times History of the
    European War_.

FOOTNOTES:

[3] The Hindenburg line was very nearly the same as the battle line of
Jan. 1, 1918, as shown on the map, page 145.

[4] Except that the United States, on certain conditions, might send one
ship a week to Falmouth.




CHAPTER XII

THE WAR IN 1918


FAILURE OF GERMAN PEACE OFFENSIVE.--During the fall of 1917 Germany
had started a great discussion of the terms of the peace which should
close the war. In general the position taken by German spokesmen was
"peace without annexations and without indemnities," as proposed by the
Russian Bolsheviki. Such talk was designed to weaken the war spirit of
the Allied peoples, and perhaps to make the German people believe that
they were fighting a war of self-defense. The time was ripe for a
statement of the war aims of Germany's opponents. This statement, later
approved in general by Allied statesmen, was made by President Wilson in
his address to Congress on January 8, 1918. It is discussed in detail in
Chapter XIV. It was not satisfactory to Germany's rulers, for they hoped
to secure better terms in a peace of bargains and compromises.

RUSSIA MAKES A SEPARATE PEACE.--Only in Russia was this German peace
offensive a success. In the last chapter we saw how in the latter part
of 1917 the Bolsheviki had gained control of the government of Russia
and had arranged an armistice with the Central Powers. This meant the
stopping of all fighting along the eastern front and the consequent
freeing of many thousands of German soldiers to fight in the west.

At Brest-Litovsk, a town in Russian Poland which had been occupied by
the troops of the Central Powers, a meeting of delegates was called to
arrange the terms of peace. The negotiations at this place lasted from
December 23, 1917, to February 10, 1918. The Germans had determined to
keep large portions of Russian territory. At the conference the German
delegates flatly refused to promise to withdraw their troops from the
occupied parts of Russia after the peace. By February 10 hope of any
settlement that would satisfy Russia had disappeared and the Bolshevik
delegates left Brest-Litovsk. The war, so far as Russia was concerned,
was at an end, but no treaty of peace had been signed. The Bolshevik
government issued orders for the complete demobilization of the Russian
armies on all the battle fronts.

Germany, determined to compel Russia to accept her terms, renewed her
military operations on February 18. The result was that Lenine and
Trotzky, the Bolshevik leaders, were forced to agree to the conditions
which had been laid down by the Central Powers at Brest-Litovsk.
Nevertheless the Germans continued their advance, with practically no
opposition, to within seventy miles of Petrograd.

THE SEPARATION OF UKRAINIA AND FINLAND.--Ukrainia, the southwestern
corner of Russia, is the home of a Slavic people--the Little
Russians--closely akin to the Russians proper. The people of Finland, in
the extreme northwest, are of a distinctly different race. In both
these regions there were set up independent governments which resisted
the rule of the Bolsheviki. With the aid of German troops the power of
the Bolsheviki in the new states was soon destroyed. Through the setting
up of these states, particularly Ukrainia, Germany hoped to secure grain
supplies, and to control large iron and coal deposits. Dissatisfaction
of the people with German control, however, interfered seriously with
the realizing of such hopes.

[Illustration: TREATY OF BREST-LITOVSK States and Provinces taken from
Russia]

THE PEACE OF BREST-LITOVSK.--On March 3 peace between Russia and the
Central Powers was finally signed at Brest-Litovsk. By the terms of the
treaties Russia was compelled (1) to surrender her western provinces of
Poland, Lithuania, Livonia, Esthonia, and Courland; (2) to recognize the
independence of Ukrainia and Finland; (3) to cede to Turkey certain
important districts south of the Caucasus Mountains;[5] and (4) to pay
a tremendous indemnity. The falsity of the German talk of "no
annexations and no indemnities" was now evident. Few more disastrous
treaties have ever been forced upon a vanquished nation. It has been
estimated that the treaties of Brest-Litovsk took from Russia 4 per cent
of her total area, 26 per cent of her population, 37 per cent of her
food stuffs production, 26 per cent of her railways, 33 per cent of her
manufacturing industries, 75 per cent of her coal, and 73 per cent of
her iron.

ROUMANIA MAKES PEACE.--Roumania, deserted by Russia, was forced to
make peace in the spring of 1918, by ceding to her enemies the whole of
the Dobrudja and also about 3000 square miles of territory on her
western frontier. The Central Powers, moreover, were given control of
the vast petroleum fields and the rich wheat lands of the defeated
nation.

A little later, however, the Russian province of Bessarabia decided to
unite itself to Roumania, as most of its people are of the Roumanian
race.

THE RUSSIAN SITUATION IN 1918.--In spite of the Brest-Litovsk
treaties, the Allies continued to regard Russia as a friendly nation.
President Wilson took the lead in this attitude. It was felt that the
Russian people were sadly in need of assistance, but just how this
should be given was a serious problem.

The question was complicated by the presence in Russia of a large army
of Czecho-Slovaks (check´o-slovaks´). These soldiers were natives of the
northwestern Slavic provinces of Austria-Hungary. They had been part of
the Austrian army during the victorious Russian campaigns in Galicia and
had been taken prisoners. The Czecho-Slovaks had always sympathized with
the Allied countries and had fought for Austria unwillingly. Many,
indeed, had later fought as part of the Russian army. When Russia left
the war they feared that they might be returned to the hated Austrian
government. To avoid this their leaders sought and obtained from the
Bolshevik government permission to travel eastward through Russia and
Siberia to the Pacific. Here they planned to take ship and after a
voyage three quarters around the globe take their place in the armies of
the Allies. The long journey began. Then the Bolsheviki, probably acting
under German orders, recalled the permission they had given. The
Czecho-Slovaks went on nevertheless, determined to proceed even if they
had to fight their way. They were opposed at different points by
Bolshevik troops with the assistance of organized bodies of German and
Austrian prisoners, but the Czecho-Slovaks were victorious. In fact,
with the aid of anti-Bolshevik Russians they seized control of most of
the Siberian railroad, and of parts of eastern Russia.

ALLIED INTERVENTION IN RUSSIA.--At last the Allied nations and the
United States decided that it was time to undertake military
intervention in Russia. This was carried out in two places. Bodies of
American and Japanese troops were landed on the east coast of Siberia to
coöperate with the Czecho-Slovaks. The latter, thus reënforced, changed
their plans for leaving Russia and decided to fight for the Allied cause
where they were. They were encouraged by the fact that they were
recognized by the Allies and by the United States as an independent
nation.

Another small Allied army was landed on the north coast of Russia and
marched south against the Bolsheviki. Large parts of Russia north and
east of Moscow declared themselves free of Bolshevik rule. It was the
hope of the Allies that that rule--now marked by pillage, murder, and
famine--would shortly be overthrown and that a new Russia would rise and
take its place among the democracies of the world.

THE WESTERN FRONT.--Early in 1918, after the failure of the German
peace offensive in the west, rumors came from Germany of preparations
for a great military drive on the western front. The "iron fist" and the
"shining sword" were to break in the doors of those who opposed a
German-made peace. There were good reasons for such an attack in the
spring of 1918. Germany had withdrawn many troops from the east, where
they were no longer needed to check the Russians. Further, although a
few American troops had reached France, it was thought that not many
could be sent over before the fall of 1918, and the full weight of
America's force could not be exerted before the summer of 1919. It was
to Germany's interest to crush France and England before the power of
the American nation was thrown into the struggle against her.

GERMANY'S NEW PLAN OF ATTACK.--The German military leaders therefore
determined to stake everything upon one grand offensive on the western
front while their own force was numerically superior to that of the
Allies. Their expectation of victory in what they proudly called the
"Kaiser's battle," was based not only upon the possession of greater
numbers, but also upon the introduction of new methods of fighting which
would overcome the old trench warfare. The new methods comprised three
principal features.

In the first place, much greater use was made of the element of
surprise. Large masses of men were brought up near the front by night
marches, and in daytime were hidden from airplane observation by smoke
screens, camouflage of various kinds, and by the shelter of woodlands.
In this way any portion of the opposing trench line could be subjected
to a heavy, unexpected attack.

Secondly, the advance was prepared for by the use of big guns in
enormous quantities and in new ways. The number of guns brought into use
in this offensive far exceeded that put into the Verdun offensive of
1916, which had been looked upon as the extreme of possible
concentration of artillery. The shell fire was now to be directed not
only against the trenches, but also far to the rear of the Allied
positions. This would break up roads, railways, and bridges for many
miles behind the trenches and prevent the sending of reinforcements up
to the front. Vast numbers of large shells containing poisonous
"mustard" gas were collected. These were to be fired from heavy guns and
made to explode far behind the Allied lines. By this means suffocation
might be spread among the reserves, among motor drivers, and even among
the army mules, and by deranging the transport service make it
impossible to concentrate troops to withstand the German advance.

In the third place, "shock" troops composed of selected men from all
divisions of the army, were to advance after the bombardment, in a
series of "waves." When the first wave had reached the limit of its
strength and endurance, it was to be followed up by a second mass of
fresh troops, and this by a third, and so on until the Allies' defense
was completely broken.

By their excess in numbers and by these newly devised methods of warfare
the German leaders hoped to accomplish three things: (1) to separate the
British army from the French army; (2) to seize the Channel ports and
interrupt by submarines and big guns the transportation of men and
supplies from England to France; and (3) to capture Paris and compel the
French to withdraw from the war. Let us now see how and why the Germans
failed to secure any one of these three objectives, and how the Allied
forces resumed the offensive in the summer of 1918.

THE GERMAN ADVANCE.--Five great drives, conducted according to the
newly devised methods of warfare, were launched by the Germans between
March 21 and July 15, 1918. The first, continuing from March 21 to April
1, called the battle of Picardy, was directed at the point where the
British army joined that of the French near the Somme River. There was
at this time no unified command of all the Allied armies, and the blow
fell unexpectedly upon the British and won much territory before French
assistance could be brought up. Outnumbered three to one, the British
fell back at the point of greatest retreat to a distance of thirty miles
from their former line. But the extreme tenacity of the British and the
arrival of French troops prevented the Germans from capturing the
important city of Amiens (ah-my[)a]n´), or reaching the main roads to
Paris, or separating the British and French armies. Learning a needed
lesson from this disaster, the Allied nations agreed to a unified
military command, and appointed as commander-in-chief the French General
Foch (fosh), who had distinguished himself in the first battle of the
Marne in 1914 and elsewhere. Before this step had been taken General
Pershing had offered his small army of 200,000 Americans to be used
wherever needed by the French and the British.

The second German offensive began on April 9 and was again directed
against the British, this time farther to the north, in Flanders,
between the cities of Ypres and Arras. In ten days the Germans advanced
to a maximum depth of ten miles on a front of thirty miles. But the
British fought most desperately and the German losses were enormous. At
last the advance was checked and the Channel ports were saved. "Germany
on the march had encountered England at bay"--and had failed to destroy
the heroic British army.

And now came a lull of over a month while the Germans were reorganizing
their forces and preparing for a still greater blow. Again the element
of surprise was employed. The Allies expected another attack somewhere
in the line from Soissons to the sea, and their reserves were so
disposed as to meet such an attack. But the German blow was directed
against the weakest part of the Allied line, the stretch from Rheims to
Soissons, where a break might open the road to Paris from the east. The
third drive began on May 27. For over a week the French were pushed
back, fighting valiantly, across land which had not seen the enemy since
September, 1914. The greatest depth of the German advance was thirty
miles, that is, to within forty-four miles of Paris. The enemy had once
again reached the Marne River and controlled the main roads from Paris
to Verdun and to the eastern parts of the Allied line.

The fourth drive started a few days later, on June 9, in a region where
an attack was expected. It resulted in heavy losses to the Germans, who
succeeded in pushing only six miles toward Paris in the region between
Soissons and Montdidier (mawn-dee-dy[=a]´). The advantages of a single
command had begun to appear. General Foch could use all the Allied
forces where they were most needed.

[Illustration: WESTERN FRONT]

The fifth drive opened on July 15 and spread over a front of one hundred
miles east of Soissons. The Allies were fully prepared, and while
falling back a little at first, the American and French troops soon won
back some of the abandoned territory.

THE TURNING OF THE TIDE.--A glance at a map of the battle front of
July 18 will show that the Germans had driven three blunt wedges into
the Allied lines. These positions would prove dangerous to the Germans
if ever the Allies were strong enough to assume the offensive. And just
now the moment came for Foch to strike a great counter-blow. During the
spring and early summer American troops had been speeded across the
Atlantic until by the Fourth of July over a million men were in France.
On July 18 fresh American and French troops attacked the Germans in the
narrowest of the wedges along the Marne River and within a few days
compelled the enemy to retreat from this wedge. On August 8 a British
army began a surprise attack on the middle wedge, and by the use of
large numbers of light, swift tanks succeeded in driving the Germans
back for a distance of over ten miles on a wide front.

The offensive had now passed from the Germans to the Allies. Under
Foch's repeated attacks the enemy was driven back first at one point and
then at another. He had no time to prepare a counter-drive; he did not
know where the next blow would fall. By the end of September he had
given up nearly all his recent conquests, devastating much of the
country as he retired. In several places also he was forced still
farther back, across the old Hindenburg line. In two days (September
12-13) the Americans and French under the direction of General Pershing
wiped out an old German salient near Metz, taking 200 square miles of
territory and 15,000 prisoners. Altogether, by the end of September,
Foch had taken over a quarter of a million prisoners, with 3,669 cannon
and 23,000 machine guns.

It is said that the complete defeat of the German plans was due
primarily to three things: "(1) the dogged steadfastness of the British
and the patient heroism of the French soldiers and civilians; (2) the
brilliant strategy of General Foch, and the unity of command which made
this effective; (3) the material and moral encouragement of the American
forces, of whom nearly 1,500,000 were in France before the end of
August."

THE WAR IN ITALY, THE BALKANS, AND SYRIA.--The summer of 1918
witnessed the launching of a great offensive by the Austrians against
the Italian armies holding the Piave front. It is probable that the
chief purpose of this blow was to draw Allied troops into Italy from the
battle front in Belgium and France. The Italians, however, proved
themselves amply able to fight their own battle, and the Austrian
attempt was repulsed with tremendous losses.

The autumn of this year saw important happenings on the Balkan front
also. This theater of the war had been uneventful for a long time. The
battle line extended from the Adriatic Sea to the Ægean, and was held by
a mixed army of Serbians, Greeks, Italians, British, and French, under
the command of General D'Esperey (des-pr[=a]´), with headquarters at
Salonica. Opposed to these troops were armies of Bulgarians and
Austrians, together with a considerable number of Germans. Encouraged by
the German defeats in the west, which had forced the withdrawal of large
numbers of German troops from eastern Europe, the Allies launched a
strong offensive on the Balkan front in the middle of September. Day
after day their advance continued, resulting in the capture of many
thousands of prisoners and the reoccupation of many miles of Albanian
and Serbian territory. The campaign was one of the most successful of
the whole war. Within two weeks the Bulgarians asked for an armistice,
accepted the terms that were demanded, and on September 30 definitely
withdrew from the war. Their surrender broke the lines of communication
between the Central Powers and Turkey and at one blow destroyed Teutonic
supremacy in the Balkans. An even more important consequence was the
moral effect on the general public in Germany, Austria, and Turkey,
where it was taken by many as a sign that surrender of the Central
Powers could only be a question of time.

Meanwhile, events of almost equal importance were taking place in
Palestine and Syria. General Allenby had taken Jerusalem in December,
1917. In the fall of 1918 new and important advances were made in this
region, Arab forces east of the Jordan coöperating with the British
armies. By the close of September more than 50,000 Turkish soldiers and
hundreds of guns had been captured. In October General Allenby's men
took the important cities of Damascus and Aleppo, and in Mesopotamia
also the British began a new advance. Turkey was already asking for an
armistice, and now accepted terms that were virtually a complete
surrender (October 31).

By this time Austria-Hungary was in the throes of dissolution;
independent republics were being set up by the Czechs, the Hungarians,
the Jugo-Slavs, and even the German Austrians. These revolutions were
hastened by the overwhelming victory of the Italians in the second
battle of the Piave. Their attack began October 24 on the mountain
front, but soon the Allied forces under General Diaz (dee´ahss) crossed
the river and cut through the lines of the fleeing Austrians. In the
capture of large numbers of prisoners and guns the Italians took full
vengeance for their defeat of the preceding year. So hopeless, indeed,
was the situation for the Austrians that they too accepted an armistice
that was practically a surrender (November 4).

GERMAN RETREAT IN THE WEST.--After the Germans had been driven back to
their old lines in France, there was danger that the contest might
settle down to the old form of trench warfare. But the intricate
defenses of the Hindenburg line, in some cases extending to a depth of
ten miles from the front trenches, did not prove strong enough to
withstand the American and Allied advance. Foch attacked the line from
each end and also in the center. In the north, by October 20, Belgian
and British troops had recaptured all the Belgian coast, with its
submarine bases; and the British had taken the important cities of Lens
and Lille, the former valuable on account of its coal mines. In the
center British and French troops broke through to the important points
of Cambrai, St. Quentin (s[)a]n-kahn-t[)a]n´) and Laon (lahn), while farther
east the French and Americans began an advance along the Meuse River,
threatening to attack the German line in the rear.

By this time it seemed likely that a general retirement from Belgium and
France had been determined upon by the German leaders. Moreover, the
impending defeat of the German armies led to a new peace drive by the
German government. On October 6 President Wilson received a note from
the German Chancellor asking for an armistice, requesting that the
United States take steps for the restoration of peace, and stating that
the German government accepted as a basis for peace negotiations the
program as laid down in the President's message to Congress of January
8, 1918 (Chapter XIV), and in his subsequent addresses. In the ensuing
correspondence several points are worthy of special notice. President
Wilson opposed any suggestion of an armistice till after the evacuation
of Allied territory, or except as it might be arranged by the military
advisers of the American and Allied powers, on such terms as would make
impossible the renewal of hostilities by Germany. He also called
attention to the following point in his address of July 4, 1918,--"The
destruction of every arbitrary power anywhere that can separately,
secretly, and of its single choice disturb the peace of the world, or,
if it cannot be presently destroyed, at the least its reduction to
virtual impotence";--stated that the military autocracy still in
control of Germany was such a power; and insisted on dealing only with a
new or altered German government in which the representatives of the
people should be the real rulers.

On November 11, while the German armies in France and Belgium were being
defeated by the Allied and American forces, envoys from the German
government accepted from General Foch an armistice in terms that meant
virtually the surrender of Germany, and thus brought hostilities to an
end.

    SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY.--1. What is the meaning of
    camouflage? of smoke screen? What is a convoy? 2. On a map of
    the Western Front locate the five great German drives of
    1918, numbering them from one to five. 3. On a physical map
    of the Balkan peninsula find the only good land route from
    the Danube to Constantinople, with its branch to Salonica. 4.
    Collect pictures showing American soldiers in camps; going to
    France; and in France. 5. What were the objects of the 1918
    offensive of the Germans? 6. In what way did the American
    troops help besides increasing the number of soldiers
    fighting the Germans? 7. What is the present condition of the
    western provinces of Russia? 8. What was the first important
    battle in which many American troops were engaged? 9. Why was
    the St. Mihiel salient important: (_a_) for the Germans to
    hold; (_b_) for the Allies and the United States to win? 10.
    Explain the importance of Bulgaria's surrender.

    REFERENCES.--_War Cyclopedia_ (C.P.I.); _The Study of the
    Great War_ (C.P.I.); McKinley, _Collected Materials for the
    Study of the War; The Correspondence between the Bolsheviki
    and the German Government_ (C.P.I.); _National School
    Service_, Vol. I (C.P.I.).

FOOTNOTES:

[5] After driving the Russians out of Asia Minor and taking the
districts ceded to Turkey, the Turkish forces went on and seized nearly
all of the southern Caucasus before October, 1918.




CHAPTER XIII

THE UNITED STATES IN THE WAR


PART OF THE NAVY SENT TO EUROPE.--One of the first things done after
our entrance into the war was to send a considerable part of our navy to
Europe, not only battleships to augment the fleet that was holding the
German navy in check, but also a number of swift torpedo boats and
destroyers to aid in reducing the menace from submarines. Huge
appropriations were made by Congress for the purpose of increasing the
number of lighter craft in the navy. Particularly efficient submarine
chasers were developed, called "Eagles," which, by being made all alike,
could be quickly produced in great numbers.

RAISING THE ARMY.--Great numbers of young men at once enlisted in
various branches of the service. Profiting, however, by the experience
of Great Britain, the government determined on conscription as a more
democratic method of raising an army. A draft law was passed providing
for the enrollment of all men between the ages of twenty-one and
thirty-one. These were examined and classified, and from time to time
large groups were sent to camps to be trained. Each of these camps can
take care of approximately fifty thousand soldiers. Under a later draft
law passed in 1918, the age limits for enrolling men were extended to
include those from eighteen to forty-five.

OFFICERS' TRAINING CAMPS.--In order to provide officers for such an
emergency as now confronted the nation, training camps for officers had
been established the previous year at several places in the country.
These officers were now called upon to aid the regular army officers in
training the recruits. The officers' training camps have been continued
and increased in number in order that a regular supply of properly
trained officers may be available for the constantly increasing army.

SUPPLIES AND MUNITIONS.--The industries of the country were compelled
to turn their attention to the making of supplies and munitions for our
fighters. The great plants that had been making powder, guns, shells,
and other munitions for the Allies started to make these things for the
United States. This was easy to arrange, since England and France had
about reached a position where they were able to supply themselves.
Besides, great quantities of food and clothing were also needed, and the
meat packers and the manufacturers of textiles, shoes, and other
articles turned their plants to the production of supplies for the army.

AIRCRAFT.--The war in Europe had shown the high usefulness of aircraft
as part of the military forces. Recognizing this, Congress appropriated
two thirds of a billion dollars for the purpose of constructing
thousands of airplanes and for training thousands of pilots and other
experts to use them. Unfortunately much time was lost in building
manufacturing plants and in experimenting with various types of engines
and other parts of airplanes. Only a small part of the twenty thousand
it had been planned to send to France by June, 1918, were completed at
that time. Meanwhile, however, engineers had developed, on the basis of
the automobile engine, an improved engine known as the Liberty Motor,
and the production of efficient airplanes was at last going ahead
rapidly.

_Food and Fuel Control._--So large a proportion of the population of the
European countries is employed in carrying on the war that there has
been a constant decrease in the amount of food produced in Europe.
Fortunately, up to 1917 this country had enough for itself and
sufficient to spare for the Allies and the neutral nations. In 1917
there was an unusually short cereal crop all over the world. The result
was that there was not enough food to go round, if every one in this
country ate as much as usual.

In order that proper conservation of food might be brought about, a food
commission was created, not only to prevent profiteering, but also to
direct how the people should economize in order to help win the war.
Shortages in various kinds of food were controlled at first through
voluntary rationing under requests made by the Food Administrator. Later
on, limits were placed on the amount of wheat, flour, and sugar that
could be bought by large dealers and bakeries. A certain proportion of
other cereals had to be purchased with each purchase of wheat. Bakers
were required to make their bread with a proportion of other flours
mixed with the wheat. These regulations were enforced by such
punishments as fines, the closing of stores or bakeries, or by depriving
the offender of his supply for a given length of time. Kitchens were
established in large communities where housewives could learn the best
ways of making bread with the use of various substitutes for wheat.

Early in the fall of 1917 it was seen that, because of inadequate
transportation facilities and of a tremendously increasing demand for
coal by the war industries, there would be a shortage of fuel during the
winter. Accordingly a Fuel Administrator was appointed who regulated the
distribution of fuel. Industries essential to the war were supplied,
while those that were not doing needful work had their supply reduced or
cut off altogether. As it happened, the winter of 1917-1918 was
exceedingly severe, freight congestion became worse and worse, and the
shortage in the industrial centers was even greater than had been
anticipated. The control of fuel saved the people of the northeastern
section of our country from much distress, and assured a supply of fuel
for war purposes.

Later in 1918 householders and mercantile establishments were allowed
only a portion of their usual coal supply, the number of stops made by
street railway cars was reduced, and window and other display lighting
was forbidden on all but two nights in the week. An act of Congress
directed that from the last Sunday in March till the last Sunday in
October all clocks must be set one hour ahead of time. This regulation
brings more of our activities into the daylight hours and so cuts down
the use of artificial light. By these methods much coal was conserved
for the use of factories engaged in war work.

TRANSPORTATION CONTROL.--Soon after war was declared, the railroads of
the country put themselves at the disposal of the government in order to
take care of the increase in transportation service required by the
state of war. The nearly seven hundred railroads of the country were
organized and run as a single system under the direction of a Railroads'
War Board, composed of some of the chief railroad officials.

Passenger train service was reduced, chiefly in order to provide for the
transportation of several million soldiers to and from training camps.
Freight cars and locomotives from one railroad were kept as long as they
were needed in the service of another. The roads no longer competed with
each other for freight, but goods were sent over the road that had, at
the time of shipment, the most room for additional traffic. At the end
of 1917, as a measure of economy and to secure even greater unity of
organization, the government took over the control of the railroads for
the period of the war. As Director General of Railroads, the President
appointed William G. McAdoo, who was also the Secretary of the Treasury.

Half a year later, the government likewise took over, for the duration
of the war, the operation of telegraph and telephone lines, which were
placed under the control of the Postmaster-General.

SHIPBUILDING.--Less than two weeks after the declaration of war the
United States Shipping Board Emergency Fleet Corporation was organized
with a capital of fifty million dollars all owned by the government. The
Shipping Board had been formed some time before to increase the merchant
shipping of the country. When war came, more and yet more ships were
needed, not only to take our armies, and their food and fighting
material, to Europe, but also to replace the shipping destroyed by
submarines. In order that these ships might be built as speedily as
possible it was desirable that the government should direct the work.
Existing shipyards were taken over, and new shipyards were built by the
government. In the building of ships the original program was more than
doubled, and the United States became the greatest shipbuilding nation
of the world. This was made possible largely through the construction of
what are known as "fabricated ships"; that is, many ships built exactly
alike, from parts made in quantities. Patterns are made for each special
piece of steel and sent to steel plants in different parts of the
country. There dozens of pieces are made exactly like the pattern. All
the pieces for a ship are sent to the shipyard ready to be riveted in
their proper places. Thus the shipyard can work much faster than if the
pieces were prepared at the yard.

GERMAN SHIPPING SEIZED.--Immediately upon the declaration of war, the
President ordered the seizure of ninety-nine German merchant ships
which were in our ports. Most of them had been in harbor since August,
1914. They had been free to sail if they wished, but preferred not to
risk capture by British or French warships.

When the United States officials took charge of these vessels, it was
found that important parts of their machinery had been destroyed or
broken, under orders from Germany. Repairs were quickly and skillfully
made, the German names of the ships were changed, and a few months later
over six hundred thousand tons of German-built ships were taking
American troops and supplies across the seas.

PAYING FOR THE WAR.--Wars nowadays cost enormous sums of money, on
account of the highly technical material that is used as well as the
great size of the armies. There are two ways by which the money can be
raised. The government can borrow money, and it can raise money by
taxation. It was found wise to pay for the war by depending on both of
these methods.

In May and June our people were called upon to subscribe to an issue of
two billion dollars' worth of Liberty bonds. Half as much more was
offered to the government. A second loan for three billions in November
was again oversubscribed by fifty per cent. In 1918 the third loan for
three billion, and the fourth loan, for six billion, were also
oversubscribed. Up to November, 1918, the government asked for fourteen
billion dollars, the people offered to lend about eighteen billion
dollars, and the government accepted about sixteen billion dollars.

In addition to the above, the Treasury department authorized the sale of
two billion dollars' worth of War Savings Stamps during the year 1918.
These stamps represent short-time loans to the government which are so
small that practically every person is able to invest in them.

It was deemed important also that the people should pay a large
percentage of the war bill through taxes. Congress therefore passed a
tax bill which not only increased the income taxes to be paid by
individuals and companies, but also placed heavy taxes on many things
which were more or less in the nature of luxuries, or at least were not
essential to life. Railroad tickets, admission tickets to amusements of
all sorts, telephone and telegraph messages, and hundreds of other
things above a certain low minimum cost were taxed. In this way the
government raised six or seven billion dollars in a single year,
approximately one third of the current cost of the war.

LOANS TO THE ALLIES.--Our government has from time to time advanced
much money to the other nations who are fighting Germany. Practically
all of these loans are in the form of credits with which the Allies pay
for materials bought in the United States. Little if any of the money so
loaned goes out of the country.

RED CROSS AND OTHER ORGANIZATIONS.--The American Red Cross Society,
formed for the relief of suffering through war or other disaster, was
made ready for extensive work by the subscription of one hundred and
fifty million dollars in June, 1917, by the people of the country. The
work was organized on a national basis and in every community there was
formed a Red Cross Chapter to make garments, sweaters, or woolen head
coverings to keep the soldiers warm; to roll bandages; to open canteens
or refreshment stations for soldiers while traveling or in camp; to
train nurses to care for the sick and wounded, and to do other work of a
similar sort.

Other organizations such as the Young Men's Christian Association and
the Knights of Columbus took upon themselves the task of entertaining
and making comfortable our soldiers and sailors, providing places where
they may read, write letters, play games, and otherwise relieve their
minds from the terrible strain of war.

If our army and navy that are fighting for us in Europe represent the
strength of our country, we can also say that the work of the Red Cross
and these other organizations represents the heart of our country.

THE WORK OF SCHOOLS IN THE WAR.--School pupils are the largest and
best-organized group of the population of the country. It was natural,
therefore, for the government to turn to the school children when it
wanted a national response. Boys and girls having the lessons of the
war impressed upon them in school, carry the message home. Often in no
other way can the parents be reached.

There are many ways in which the school children gave direct and
valuable help to the nation. It is not possible to do more than merely
hint at some of these.

The importance of saving and thrift was early impressed on the children,
not only through the thrift stamp and Liberty loan campaigns, but also
through direct lessons on conserving food, clothing, and public and
private property.

Many children planted and took care of war gardens, adding a total of
many million dollars' worth of food to the nation's supply. In
connection with the gardens, a canning campaign was conducted which
aimed at the conservation of perishable food that could not be consumed
at once.

The schools rendered valuable service in doing Red Cross work. Both boys
and girls knit garments and comforts for our soldiers, and the girls
made garments for the little children of France and Belgium who had been
driven from their homes by the war.

RISE IN PRICES.--When a country is at war the government must have
what it needs, quickly and at any price. The price situation is made
worse if for any reason there happens to be a scarcity of a given
article. When the government wants a great quantity of ammunition for
which it is willing to pay a high price, the manufacturer, desiring to
obtain an increased number of workmen quickly, offers unusually high
pay. This attracts workmen from other industries, and the latter offer
still higher pay to retain their workmen. In this way, wages rapidly go
up and things that have to be produced with labor, like coal, or houses,
or ships, rise enormously in cost. The farmer, too, has to pay more for
his help. In order to induce the farmers to plant more wheat, the
government fixed a high price for it. This helped to make flour
expensive. Many fishermen went into the navy, or into factories where
they could get high wages. If they kept on fishing, they thought they
ought to make as much money as the men who had given up fishing and gone
to make guns and build ships.

Perhaps the biggest reason for high prices is the actual scarcity of
many things. Many of the men who do the work of producing are at war.
They are using food and clothing much faster than if they were not
soldiers. A soldier needs about twice as much food, and wears out eight
times as many pairs of shoes, as he did when he was at home. From these
facts it is easy to see why prices are high during the war.

OUR ACHIEVEMENTS IN 1917.--- As a result of our unwillingness, before
1917, to face the fact that we might sometime be involved in war, the
tremendous amount of preparation described in this chapter had to be
done in a few months, or even in a few weeks. When things have to be
done in such a great hurry, missteps are often made and unfortunate
delays result.

In spite of all difficulties, however, the United States had, at the end
of 1917, two hundred and fifty thousand troops in France and a million
and a half in training camps. Guns, rifles, clothing, shoes, food, and
other necessary supplies were being produced in sufficient quantities.
On the other side of the Atlantic, our engineers and railroad men were
busy constructing docks, warehouses, and miles of railroad for the
purpose of providing bases of supplies for our soldiers in France. Much
of the equipment of these railroads and docks cars, locomotives, and
unloading machinery--had been brought from America.

MORE SOLDIERS SENT TO FRANCE.--As the troops in the various camps and
cantonments were trained they were sent to ports on the eastern coast
and embarked for France, their places in camp being taken by new groups
of drafted men. Beginning with fifty or sixty thousand each month, the
number sent abroad was rapidly increased until by the fall of 1918 the
troops were going over at the rate of more than three hundred thousand a
month. By October 15 there were over two million of our soldiers in
France and another million and more under training in this country.

DECREASE IN SUBMARINE SINKINGS.--The Germans had boasted in vain that
their submarines would prevent the transportation of American troops to
Europe. Of the hundreds of transports engaged in this work, up to
November, 1918, only two were sunk while on the eastward voyage, and
less than 300 American soldiers were drowned. Moreover, during the year
1918 there was a notable decrease in the destruction of merchant vessels
by submarines. This was due probably to a variety of causes, but
especially to the increased protection provided by the convoy system,
and to the more efficient methods of fighting the submarines.

It has been found that it is possible to see a submarine at some
distance below the surface if the observer is in a balloon or an
airplane. Therefore the submarine hunters do not need to wait for the
submarine to show itself. The sea is patrolled by balloons and airplanes
in conjunction with fast destroyers. When the aircraft has located a
submarine, the fact is signaled to a destroyer. When the destroyer
arrives over the submarine, it drops a depth bomb, which is arranged to
explode after it has sunk to any desired depth in the water.

It is believed that the submarines are being destroyed faster than
Germany can build them, and also that it is increasingly difficult for
Germany to obtain the highly trained crews necessary to manage the
complex machinery of a submarine. For it must be remembered that the
circumstances under which submarines are destroyed almost always involve
the loss of the crew.

SUBMARINES RAID THE ATLANTIC COAST.--Unable to face the convoys of
transports, several submarines paid visits to our coast in the summer of
1918, and destroyed a considerable number of unarmed vessels, mostly
small craft. Many of the victims, indeed, were very small fishing
boats, which are, by international agreement, exempt from capture or
destruction.

GERMAN PROPAGANDA.--Before the United States entered the war, our
people were divided in their sympathies between the Central Powers and
the Allies. Those who believed that Germany was right were chiefly
people of German birth or descent, though a large majority even of this
group did not believe in the things for which Germany was fighting.

Since the United States was neutral, their attitude was perfectly legal,
provided their sympathies did not lead them to commit crimes against the
United States in their zeal to hinder the cause of the Allies.
Unfortunately, ever since we entered the war some of these people, still
keeping on the side of Germany, have endeavored in every way to prevent
the success of the American cause. Some of these men and women are
American-born, others have, through naturalization, sworn to uphold the
government of the United States, but still others have remained subjects
of the Central Powers. They have organized plots either to destroy
property, or to spread rumors intended to interfere with the prosecution
of the war and to undermine confidence in the government.

Munition factories have been blown up, and information has been secretly
sent to German authorities concerning the movements of ships so that
they could be attacked by submarines. Worse than all else, perhaps, is
the circulation of groundless rumors such as those stating that the
soldiers have insufficient food or clothing, or insinuating that
officers of the government are guilty of outrageous offenses in their
treatment of men and women who have entered war service.

THE CITIZEN AND THE PROPAGANDIST.--It is the duty of every true
citizen, boy or girl, man or woman, to do two things to stop this
treason talk. First, when some one tells you a thing about our
government that ought not to be true, and sounds as if the speaker was
trying to undermine the efforts of our country to win the war, ask him,
"How do you know?" and then report the matter to the first policeman or
other trustworthy person that you meet. The second thing you should do
is carefully to avoid spreading any such rumors that you may hear.

HOW THE GOVERNMENT CONTROLS PROPAGANDA.--Our country has sought to
control the treasonable work of these propagandists in three ways.

First, all who are subjects of any enemy country, and who are above
fourteen years of age, must be enrolled, and must carry a certificate
with them wherever they go. They may not live within a half mile of navy
yards, arsenals, or other places where war work is going on, and they
may not go within three hundred feet of any wharf or dock.

Secondly, those whose conduct has been suspicious, or who have displayed
active sympathy with the enemy in speech or act, as well as certain
persons who were in official relationship with Germany, are interned for
the duration of the war. Internment means that they are under close
guard in a camp, or in a small district, but otherwise have considerable
freedom.

In the third place, German sympathizers who have committed or have
attempted to commit crimes endangering the lives of our citizens, or
interfering in anyway with the conduct of the war, have been sent to
prison for long terms.

    SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY.--1. Define cantonment; camp;
    barracks; army post. Describe the insignia of different
    grades of officers in the army and in the navy. Find some
    fact about General Pershing; about Admiral Sims. What is
    meant by propaganda? What is an alien enemy? 2. On a map of
    the United States mark the chief camps and cantonments.
    Locate the chief shipbuilding centers. 3. Make a collection
    of Food Saving notices and of literature and posters about
    Liberty Loans and War Savings Stamps. Make copies with names
    and dates of interesting letters from the front. 4. Collect
    pictures of shipbuilding and of transporting food to Europe.
    5. Why did the navy go first to Europe? 6. How does the draft
    put a man into the army? 7. What factories near your home
    have done war work? 8. In what ways can a boy or girl save
    food? 9. Name five things on which you have to pay a war tax.
    10. What can a boy or girl do for the Junior Red Cross? 11.
    Why do clothes and shoes cost more than before the war? 12.
    Why are some alien enemies put into prison or into detention
    camps?

    REFERENCES.--_National Service Handbook_ (C.P.I.);
    _President's Flag Day Address with Evidence of Germany's
    Plans_ (C.P.I.); Pamphlets from National Food Administrator;
    Pamphlets from National Fuel Administrator; _American Red
    Cross, Teachers Manual_; _German Plots and Intrigues_
    (C.P.I.); _Conquest and Kultur_ (C.P.I.); the _World
    Almanac_.




CHAPTER XIV

QUESTIONS OF THE COMING PEACE


There are two kinds of problems which must be solved by the American
people before permanent peace conditions can be established. One group
of problems is composed of international questions, largely pertaining
to the European states, but in which the United States is vitally
interested. The other group of problems relates to the restoration of
our people and industries to a peace condition. On some points these two
groups of problems are closely related and cannot be settled separately.
Some internal questions will have to be viewed in the light of world
affairs; and some international problems must be given solutions which
will have influences within our own country. Ignoring the overlapping of
the two groups, we shall study the problems of peace in this chapter
under two headings: (1) national problems; (2) international problems.


I. NATIONAL PROBLEMS

Among the many internal problems which the country will face at the
close of the war, and to which every American should to-day be giving
his earnest thought, the following are specially important.

GETTING THE MEN HOME.--Even while engaged in the task of getting every
available man to the fighting line in Europe, the American authorities
have found time to think of the return movement. It will be a great
undertaking, requiring many months, to see that each man reaches
American shores and after his dismissal is safely sent to his home town.

THE CARE OF THE WOUNDED.--During the war the greatest pains have been
taken by the medical officers of the army, and by the Red Cross agents,
to bring immediate relief to the brave wounded men, and to nurse them
back to health. But many of them will have sacrificed an eye or a limb,
or will have received wounds which will prevent their engaging in their
previous occupations. It is the high duty of the nation to save such men
from a life of pain or of enforced idleness. It should not permit them
to subsist by charity, or even pensions. The wounded man, crippled for
life in his nation's service, will be educated in a vocation which will
occupy his mind, make him independent, and render him a respected and
self-respecting member of his community. This great educational work has
already been started, courses of study have been put into operation, and
positions in various industrial plants have been guaranteed to the men
after the training is completed. The nation will perform its whole duty
to its heroes.

THE RECONSTRUCTION OF INDUSTRY.--The war has called into existence
great plants for the manufacture of the specialties needed in warfare.
Such factories must, after the close of the war, be made over and set
to the task of creating goods for the days of peace. Machinery will be
reconstructed, agencies for the sale of goods must be established, and
foreign trade sought as a possible market for the enlarged production.

THE REORGANIZATION OF LABOR.--American working people, whether they be
managers of plants or workmen at the machine, have been wonderfully
loyal to the nation during the war. They have shifted their work, their
homes, and their aspirations to meet the needs of the war. When peace
returns all this talent and skill must be turned into other channels.
This we hope can be accomplished without unemployment on a large scale,
and without any loss of time or pay. But it will require great directing
ability, and a friendly attitude of employees and employers toward each
other.

FINANCIAL RECONSTRUCTION.--The finances of the government, of
corporations, and of business men have been greatly changed during the
course of the war. There may never be a complete return to the old
conditions. But it is certain that peace will create problems of finance
almost as serious as those of war.

LEGISLATIVE CHANGES.--Our legislative bodies, particularly the
Congress, will be called upon to pass many laws to aid the country to
resume its peaceful life and occupations. All of the problems mentioned
here, as well as many others, will require the enactment of new laws. We
shall need congressmen and state legislators of wisdom, patriotism, and
special knowledge to act intelligently for the people on these problems.
The international settlements mentioned below also may require the
action of the Senate upon treaties, and the action of both houses where
laws are necessary to carry out our international agreements. The war
has called for statesmanship of the highest order; the coming peace will
make equal demands upon the wisdom and self-control of our statesmen and
politicians.


II. INTERNATIONAL PROBLEMS

President Wilson, on January 8, 1918, addressed Congress in a speech
which was designed to set forth the war aims and peace terms of the
United States. Every American should be familiar with the terms of this
"fourteen-point speech." Each one of the terms advocated by the
President is given below in the President's own words, and a short
explanatory paragraph is added to each.

1. _Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall
be no private international understandings of any kind, but diplomacy
shall proceed always frankly and in the public view._

The President here speaks against the underhand diplomacy and secret
alliances which have been a feature of European history in the past. By
this practice a few diplomats and monarchs made whatever treaties they
wished, not presenting them for ratification to the people's
representatives, and yet binding every individual citizen to abide by
the terms adopted. Such secret provisions have often been agreed to
simply upon the whim or the ambition or the likes and dislikes of the
rulers. They have sometimes been opposed to the true interests of the
nations involved. They are undemocratic, and are not in accord with
American ideas.

2. _Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial
waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in
whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of
international covenants._

Since 1793 the United States has stood for the freedom of the seas and
the right of neutrals to carry on their trade in time of war as well as
in time of peace. Germany's violation of our rights as a neutral by her
submarine warfare was one of the causes of our taking up arms against
her. By territorial waters the President here means the waters within
three miles from shore, which are universally held to be under the
complete control of the adjoining state. By international covenants are
probably meant such covenants and guarantees as those mentioned in
points 14, 1, 4, 11, 12, and 13.

3. _The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the
establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations
consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance._

Economic barriers are mainly restrictions upon trade and commerce. These
restrictions take various forms; they may be prohibitive customs duties,
or excessive port, tonnage, and harbor charges; they may be trade
agreements granting favors to the citizens of one country and _not_ to
those of another. The President urges the establishment of an equality
of such trade conditions.

4. _Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be
reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety._

The President here touches one of the most important problems of the
coming peace. This has often been called a war against war; it has been
said that it will be the last war. The sentiment which leads to such
statements has its origin in a hatred of militarism. Great armaments
were created because of the danger from Prussian militarism; and great
armaments will still be necessary unless "this intolerable thing" is
crushed or "shut out from the friendly intercourse of the nations." When
it is crushed, some adequate steps must be taken by each state to reduce
its armaments, on condition that all other states do the same. But many
problems will face the world's statesmen in preparing a plan for
guaranteed disarmament. How large a force will each nation need to
maintain its "domestic safety"? How shall we be sure that Germany will
not break her promise, as she has so often done in this war? How shall
we be sure that Germany, or perhaps some other state, will not again
secretly prepare for a war while others remain unprepared?

5. _A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all
colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that
in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the
populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims
of the government whose title is to be determined._

In the opening chapters of this book we have seen how colonial rivalry
was one of the causes of the World War. The President urges that the
settlement after the war shall be "free, open-minded, and absolutely
impartial." He introduces here the democratic principle that the
interests of the populations in the colonies shall have equal weight
with the just claims of the European states. Such a principle probably
will mean that few if any of Germany's colonies can be returned to her,
because her colonial management has been neglectful of the interests of
the subject peoples.

6. _The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all
questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest
coöperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an
unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent
determination of her own political development and national policy and
assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under
institutions of her own choosing, and, more than a welcome, assistance
also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The
treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come
will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of her
needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their
intelligent and unselfish sympathy._

No restatement of the President's words on this subject is necessary.
The Russian revolution is one of the most important results of the Great
War. How can the future welfare of Russia be best secured?

7. _Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored,
without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common
with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will
serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they
have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations
with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and
validity of international law is forever impaired._

The evacuation of Belgium will follow the military victories of the
United States and her associates. The restoration of Belgium will be
difficult to effect. It implies relief to her suffering and starving
people, the return of the many exiles to Belgium, the erection of new
homes for them, the reorganization of industry and transportation, and
the repair and rebuilding of her historic edifices. Where will the funds
come from for such work? Germany, the aggressor, surely should bear a
part or all of the cost.

8. _All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions
restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter
of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for
nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more
be made secure in the interest of all._

Here the President urges the same treatment for the occupied lands of
northern France as for those of Belgium. The devastated lands must be
reclaimed, the inhabitants cared for, and adequate means provided by
which they can earn a livelihood. Further, he advises the return of
Alsace-Lorraine to France. Such action not only will right the wrong
done to France in 1871, but also it will take from Germany much of the
iron-producing areas which have made it possible for her to prepare and
carry on this war, and which might permit her to get ready for a yet
more dreadful war in the future.

9. _A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along
clearly recognizable lines of nationality._

We have seen how a considerable area inhabited by Italians was not freed
from Austrian rule when the Italian kingdom was founded. This territory,
called Italia Irredenta (unredeemed Italy), and this population, by its
own desire and by natural right, belong to Italy and should be brought
within the nation.

10. _The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we
wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest
opportunity of autonomous development._

Within the Austro-Hungarian boundaries are several nationalities which
have been subjected to the oppressive rule of peoples different from
themselves. Their attempts to obtain home rule or independence have been
crushed. America now wishes to secure for these peoples the opportunity
to establish governments for themselves. As we have already seen, our
country in 1918 formally recognized the independence of one of these
peoples--the Czecho-Slovaks, or inhabitants of Bohemia and neighboring
districts. Moreover, in a note to Austria-Hungary, October 18, 1918,
President Wilson stated that conditions had changed since January 8, and
intimated that both the Czecho-Slovaks and the Jugo-Slavs should be
given independence.

11. _Roumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated, occupied
territories restored, Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea,
and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another determined
by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance
and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and
economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan
states should be entered into._

We have here a comprehensive plan for the settlement of the Balkan
jealousies, which have disturbed Europe for many years. Evacuation and
restoration is here proposed, as in Belgium and France. Serbia, always
thwarted by Austria in her hopes for a port, is to be given access to
the sea. Friendly counsel shall be given the Balkan peoples to aid them
in establishing their governments along the lines of nationalities and
of historic sympathies. All the countries of the world should unite to
guarantee and protect the safety and independence of the governments
established in the Balkan region.

12. _The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be
assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now
under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and
an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the
Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships
and commerce of all nations under international guarantees._

The horrible rule of the Turks over subject peoples must cease. The
Turks, as well as all other peoples, should be allowed the right of
self-government. But their subject peoples must also be protected in
their lives, property, and occupations, and given an opportunity to
establish self-government when they desire it. The Dardanelles strait
must be taken out of the power of the Turks, and placed under the
control of the associated nations.

13. _An independent Polish state should be erected which should include
the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which
should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose
political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be
guaranteed by international covenant._

A nation composed of Poles would imply the union of parts of Russia,
Prussia, and Austria, since all of these three countries took part in
the infamous partition of Poland in the eighteenth century. Access to
the Baltic Sea would be necessary for the prosperity and independence of
the new state. But such access could be gained only across territory
which Prussia has held for a century and a half. The associated nations
would guarantee the independence of Poland in the same way that they
would protect Belgium, Serbia, and the other states erected upon the
principle of national self-government.

14. _A general association of nations must be formed under specific
covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political
independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike._

This is the most important of the President's suggestions. Without some
form of a league of nations it will be impossible to adopt and carry out
the other terms of the President's program. International guarantees, so
frequently mentioned in his proposals, imply some means by which the
countries of the world can act together for their common purposes.
Restoration of devastated lands, disarmament, new democratic
governments, freedom of commerce,--all of these things will remain
nothing but rainbow hopes unless the large and small nations of the
world unite for their realization. A League of Nations, more or less
regularly organized, must be formed if the democracies of the world
shall be made safe from future wars of aggression.

    SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY.--1. Why are waters within three
    miles of shore considered as territorial waters? (See _War
    Cyclopedia_, "Marine League.") What is meant by freedom of
    the seas? What is meant by the phrase "free ships make free
    goods"? 2. Make a map of Europe showing what it would be
    like if all of President Wilson's points were approved at the
    peace conference. 3. Are there any reasons why every nation
    should give up its colonies and permit them to be independent
    states? 4. Why is it dangerous as well as wrong to permit
    Germany to retain her control over the territory taken from
    Russia? 5. What was the "wrong done to France (by Germany) in
    1870"? 6. What is autonomy? Name the peoples of
    Austria-Hungary who wish autonomous development, or complete
    independence. 7. Find some ways by which Poland and Serbia
    can get access to the sea. 8. Do you think it will take a
    longer or a shorter time to bring the soldiers home than it
    did to send them to France? Why? 9. What is meant by
    rehabilitation of the wounded? Find some ways in which other
    nations have made their maimed soldiers self-supporting. 10.
    How is it likely that Constantinople will be controlled after
    the war? 11. How would the league of nations enforce its
    decisions? (See President Wilson's second point.)

    REFERENCES.--_War Cyclopedia_ (C.P.I.); McKinley,
    _Collected Materials for the Study of the War; War, Labor,
    and Peace_ (C.P.I.); _Conquest and Kultur_ (C.P.I.); _The War
    Message and the Facts Behind It_ (C.P.I.); _American Interest
    in Popular Government Abroad_ (C.P.I.).




CHRONOLOGY--PRINCIPAL EVENTS OF THE WAR

(Adapted from "War Cyclopedia" published by the Committee on Public
Information, Washington, D.C. Events which especially concern the United
States are put in _italic_ type.)

                           1914

June 28      Murder of Archduke Francis Ferdinand at Serajevo.

July 5       Conference at Potsdam (page 70).

July 23      Austro-Hungarian ultimatum to Serbia.

July 28      Austria-Hungary declares war on Serbia.

July 31      German ultimatums to Russia and France.

Aug. 1       Germany declares war on Russia and invades Luxemburg.

Aug. 2       German ultimatum to Belgium, demanding a free passage for
             her troops across Belgium.

Aug. 3       Germany declares war on France.

Aug. 4-26    Most of Belgium overrun: Liege occupied (Aug. 9); Brussels
             (Aug. 20); Namur (Aug. 24).

Aug. 4       Great Britain declares war on Germany.

_Aug. 4      President Wilson proclaims neutrality of United States_.

Aug. 6       Austria-Hungary declares war on Russia.

Aug. 12      France and Great Britain declare war on Austria-Hungary.

Aug. 16      British expeditionary force landed in France.

Aug. 18      Russia invades East Prussia.

Aug. 21-23   Battle of Mons-Charleroi. Dogged retreat of French and
             British in the face of the German invasion.

Aug. 23      Japan declares war on Germany.

Aug. 23      Tsingtau (Kiaochow) bombarded by Japanese.

Aug. 25-     Russians overrun Galicia. Lemberg taken (Sept. 2);
Dec. 15      Przemysl besieged (Sept. 16 to Oct. 15, and again after
             Nov. 12). Dec. 4, Russians 3-1/2 miles from Cracow.

Aug. 26      Germans destroy Louvain, in Belgium.

Aug. 26      Allies conquer Togo, in Africa.

Aug. 26-31   Russians defeated in battle of Tannenberg (page 85).

Aug. 28      British naval victory of Helgoland Bight, in North Sea.

Aug. 31      Name of St. Petersburg changed to Petrograd.

Sept. 5      Great Britain, France, and Russia agree not to make
             peace separately.

Sept. 6-10   First battle of the Marne (page 81).

Sept. 7      Germans take Maubeuge, in northern France.

Sept. 11     Australians take German New Guinea, etc.

Sept. 12-17  Battle of the Aisne.

Sept. 16     Russians driven from East Prussia.

Sept. 22     Three British armored cruisers sunk by a submarine.

Sept. 27     Invasion of German Southwest Africa by Gen. Botha.

Oct. 9       Germans occupy Antwerp, the chief port of Belgium.

Oct. 16-28   Battle of the Yser, in Flanders, Belgium. Belgians
             and French halt German advance.

Oct. 17-     Battle of Flanders, near Ypres, saving Channel ports.
Nov. 15

Oct. 21-28   German armies driven back in Poland.

Oct. 28-     De Wet's rebellion in British South Africa.
Dec. 8

Oct. 29      Turkish war ship bombards Odessa, Russia.

Nov. 1       German naval victory off the coast of Chile.

Nov. 3-5     Russia, France, and Great Britain declare war on Turkey.

Nov. 7       Fall of Tsingtau (Kiaochow) to the Japanese and British.

Nov. 10-     Austrian invasion of Serbia (page 87).
Dec. 14

Nov. 10      German cruiser "Emden" destroyed in Indian Ocean.

Nov. 21      Basra, on Persian Gulf, occupied by British.

Dec. 8       British naval victory off the Falkland Islands.

Dec. 16      German warships bombard towns on east coast of England.

Dec. 17      Egypt proclaimed a British protectorate, under a sultan.

Dec. 24      First German air raid on England.


                           1915

Jan. 1-      Russians attempt to cross the Carpathians.
Feb. 13

Jan. 24      British naval victory of Dogger Bank, in North Sea.

Jan. 25-     Russians again invade East Prussia, but are defeated in
Feb. 12      the battle of the Mazurian Lakes.

_Jan. 28     American merchantman "William P. Frye" sunk by German
             cruiser._

Feb. 4       Germany's proclamation of "war zone" around the British
             Isles after February 18.

_Feb. 10     United States note holding German government to a "strict
             accountability" for destruction of American lives or
             vessels._

Feb. 10      Anglo-French squadron bombards Dardanelles forts.

Mar. 1       Announcement of British "blockade" of Germany.

Mar. 10      British capture Neuve Chapelle, in northern France.

Mar. 22      Russians capture Przemysl, in Galicia.

Apr. 17-     Battle of Ypres. First use of poison gas (page 95).
May 17

Apr. 25      Allied troops land on the Gallipoli peninsula.

Apr. 30      Germans invade the Baltic provinces of Russia.

_May 1       American steamship "Gulflight" sunk by German submarine;
             two Americans lost._

May 2        Battle of the Dunajec. Russians defeated by the Germans and
             Austrians and forced to retire from the Carpathians.

May 7        British liner "Lusitania" sunk by German submarine (1,154
             lives lost, _114 being Americans_).

May 9-June   Battle of Artois, or Festubert (in France, north of Arras).
             Small gains by the Allies.

_May 13      American note protests against submarine policy culminating
             in the sinking of the "Lusitania." Other notes June 9,
             July 21; German replies, May 28, July 8, Sept. 1._

May 23       Italy declares war on Austria-Hungary.

_May 25      American steamship "Nebraskan" attacked by submarine._

June 3       Przemysl retaken by Germans and Austrians.

June 9       Monfalcone occupied by Italians.

June 22      The Austro-Germans recapture Lemberg, in Galicia.

July 2       Naval action between Russians and Germans in the Baltic.

July 9       Conquest of German Southwest Africa completed.

July 12-     German conquest of Russian Poland; capture of Warsaw
Sept. 18     (Aug. 5), Kovno (Aug. 17), Brest-Litovsk (Aug. 25), Vilna
             (Sept. 18).

Aug. 19      British liner "Arabic" sunk by submarines (44 victims,
             _two Americans_).

Aug. 21      Italy declares war on Turkey.

_Sept. 1     The German ambassador, von Bernstorff, gives assurance that
             German submarines will sink no more liners without warning._

_Sept. 8     United States demands recall of Austro-Hungarian ambassador,
             Dr. Dumba._

Sept. 25-    French offensive in Champagne fails to break through German
Oct.         lines.

Sept. 27     Small British progress at Loos, near Lens.

Oct. 4       Russian ultimatum to Bulgaria.

Oct. 5       Allied forces land at Salonica, at the invitation of the Greek
             government.

_Oct. 5      German Government regrets and disavows sinking of "Arabic" and
             is prepared to pay indemnities._

Oct. 6-      Austro-German-Bulgarian conquest of Serbia; fall of Belgrade
Dec. 2       (Oct. 9), Nish (Nov. 1), Monastir (Dec. 2).

Oct. 13      Germans execute the English nurse, Edith Cavell, for aiding
             Belgians to escape from Belgium.

Oct. 14      Bulgaria declares war on Serbia.

Oct. 15-19   Great Britain, France, Russia, and Italy declare war against
             Bulgaria.

Nov. 10-Apr. Russian forces advance into Persia as a result of pro-German
             activities there.

Dec. 1       British under Gen. Townshend retreat from near Bagdad to
             Kut-el-Amara.

_Dec. 3      United States Government demands recall of Capt. Boy-Ed and
             Capt. von Papen, attachés of the German embassy._

Dec. 6       Germans capture Ipek, in Montenegro.

Dec. 15      Sir Douglas Haig succeeds Sir John French in command of the
             British army in France.

Dec. 19      British forces withdraw from parts of Gallipoli peninsula.


                           1916

Jan. 8       Evacuation of Gallipoli completed.

Jan. 13      Fall of Cetinje, capital of Montenegro.

Feb. 10      Germany notifies neutral powers that armed merchant ships
             will be treated as warships and will be sunk without warning.

_Feb. 15     Secretary Lansing states that by international law commercial
             vessels have right to carry arms in self-defense._

_Feb. 16     Germany sends note acknowledging her liability in the
             "Lusitania" affair._

Feb. 16      Russians take Erzerum, in Turkish Armenia.

Feb. 16      Kamerun (Africa) conquered.

Feb. 21-     Battle of Verdun (pages 107-108).
July

_Feb. 24     President Wilson in letter to Senator Stone refuses to
             advise American citizens not to travel on armed merchant
             ships._

Mar. 8       Germany declares war on Portugal.

Mar. 24      French steamer "Sussex" is torpedoed without warning (page
             115).

Apr. 18      Russians capture Trebizond, in Turkey.

_Apr. 18     United States note declaring that she will sever diplomatic
             relations unless Germany abandons present methods of
             submarine warfare._

Apr. 24-     Insurrection in Ireland.
May 1

Apr. 29      Gen. Townshend surrenders at Kut-el-Amara.

_May 4       Germany's conditional pledge not to sink merchant ships
             without warning_ (page 116).

May 14-      Great Austrian attack on the Italians through the Trentino.
June 3

May 19       Russians join British on the Tigris.

May 24       Conscription bill becomes a law in Great Britain.

May 31       Naval battle off Jutland, in North Sea.

June 4-30    Russian offensive in Galicia and Bukowina.

June 5       Lord Kitchener drowned.

July 1-      Battle of the Somme (page 108).
Nov. 17

July 27      Germans execute Captain Fryatt, an Englishman, for having
             defended his merchant ship by ramming the German submarine
             that was about to attack it.

Aug. 9       Italians capture Gorizia.

Aug. 27      Italy declares war on Germany.

Aug. 27-     Roumania enters war on the side of the Allies, and most of
Jan. 15      the country is overrun. (Fall of Bucharest, Dec. 6.)

_Oct. 7      German submarine appears off American coast_ and sinks
             British passenger steamer "Stephano" (Oct. 8).

Nov. 19      Monastir retaken by Allies (chiefly Serbians).

_Nov. 29     United States protests against Belgian deportations._

Dec. 6       Lloyd George succeeds Asquith as British prime minister.

Dec. 12      German peace offer. Refused (Dec. 30) as "empty and
             insincere."

_Dec. 18     President Wilson's peace note._ Germany replies evasively
             (Dec. 26). Entente Allies' reply (Jan. 10) demands
             "restorations, reparation, indemnities."


                           1917

Jan. 10      The Allied governments state their terms of peace.

Jan. 31      Germany announces unrestricted submarine warfare in specified
             zones.

_Feb. 3      United States severs diplomatic relations with Germany._

Feb. 24      Kut-el-Amara taken by British under Gen. Maude.

_Feb. 26     President Wilson asks authority to arm merchant ships._

_Feb. 28     "Zimmermann note" published._

Mar. 11      Bagdad captured by British under Gen. Maude.

Mar. 11-15   Revolution in Russia, leading to abdication of Czar
             Nicholas II (Mar. 15). Provisional Government formed by
             Constitutional Democrats under Prince Lvov.

_Mar. 12     United States announces that an armed guard will be placed
             on all American merchant vessels sailing through the war
             zone._

Mar. 17-19   Retirement of Germans to the "Hindenburg line" (page 118).

_Mar. 24     Minister Brand Whitlock and American Relief Commission
             withdrawn from Belgium._

_Apr. 2      President Wilson asks Congress to declare the existence of
             a state of war with Germany._

_Apr. 6      United States declares war on Germany._

_Apr. 8      Austria-Hungary severs diplomatic relations with the United
             States._

Apr. 9-      British successes in battle of Arras (Vimy Ridge taken
May 14       Apr. 9).

Apr. 16-     French successes in battle of the Aisne between Soissons and
May 6        Rheims.

_Apr. 21     Turkey severs relations with United States._

_May 4       American destroyers begin coöperation with British navy in
             war zone._

May 15-      Great Italian offensive on Isonzo front.
Sept. 15

May 15       Gen. Pétain succeeds Gen. Nivelle as commander in chief of
             the French armies.

_May 18      President Wilson signs selective service act._

June 7       British blow up Messines Ridge, south of Ypres, and capture
             7,500 German prisoners.

June 10      Italian offensive in Trentino.

June 12      King Constantine of Greece forced to abdicate.

_June 26     First American troops reach France._

June 29      Greece enters war against Germany and her allies.

July 1       Russian army led in person by Kerensky, the Minister of War,
             begins an offensive in Galicia, ending in disastrous retreat
             (July 19-Aug. 3).

July 20      Kerensky succeeds Prince Lvov as premier of Russia.

July 30      Mutiny in German fleet at Wilhelmshaven and Kiel. Second
             mutiny Sept. 2.

July 31-     Battle of Flanders (Passchendaele Ridge); British successes.
Nov.

Aug. 15      Peace proposals of Pope Benedict published (dated Aug. 1).
             _United States replies Aug. 27;_ Germany and Austria,
             Sept. 21.

Aug. 15      Canadians capture Hill 70, dominating Lens.

Aug. 19-24   New Italian drive on the Isonzo front.

Aug. 20-24   French attacks at Verdun recapture high ground lost in 1916.

Sept. 3      Riga captured by Germans.

_Sept. 8     Luxburg dispatches ("Spurlos versenkt") published by United
             States._

Sept. 15     Russia proclaimed a republic.

Oct. 17      Russians defeated in a naval engagement in the Gulf of Riga.

Oct. 14.-    Great German-Austrian invasion of Italy. Italian line shifted
Dec          to Piave River.

Oct. 26      Brazil declares war on Germany.

Nov. 2       Germans retreat from the Chemin des Dames, in France.

_Nov. 3      First clash of American with German soldiers._

Nov. 7       Overthrow of Kerensky and Provisional Government of Russia
             by the Bolsheviki.

Nov. 13      Clémenceau succeeds Ribot as French premier.

Nov. 20-     Battle of Cambrai (page 119).
Dec. 13

Nov. 29      First plenary session of the Interallied Conference in
             Paris. Sixteen nations represented. _Col. E.M. House,
             chairman of American delegation._

Dec. 3       Conquest of German East Africa completed.

_Dec. 6      U.S. destroyer "Jacob Jones" sunk by submarine, with loss of
             over 60 American men._

Dec. 6       Explosion on munitions vessel wrecks Halifax.

_Dec. 7      United States declares war on Austria-Hungary._

Dec. 10      Jerusalem captured by British.

Dec. 23      Peace negotiations opened at Brest-Litovsk between Bolshevik
             government and Central Powers.

_Dec. 28     President Wilson takes over the control of railroads._


                           1918

Jan. 4       British hospital ship "Rewa" torpedoed and sunk in English
             Channel.

_Jan. 8      President Wilson sets forth peace program of the United
             States._

Jan. 18      Russian Constituent Assembly meets in Petrograd.

Jan. 19      The Bolsheviki dissolve the Russian Assembly.

Jan. 28      Revolution begins in Finland; fighting between "White Guards"
             and "Red Guards."

Jan. 28-29   Big German air raid on London.

Jan. 30      German air raid on Paris.

_Feb. 3      American troops officially announced to be on the Lorraine
             front near Toul._

Feb. 5       British transport "Tuscania" with 2,179 American troops on
             board torpedoed and sunk; _211 American soldiers lost_.

Feb. 9       Ukrainia makes peace with Germany.

Feb. 10      The Bolsheviki order demobilization of the Russian army.

Feb. 14      Bolo Pasha condemned for treason against France; executed
             April 16.

Feb. 17      Cossack General Kaledines commits suicide. Collapse of
             Cossack revolt against the Bolsheviki.

Feb. 18-     Russo-German armistice declared at an end by Germany;
Mar. 3       war resumed. Germans occupy Dvinsk, Minsk, and other cities.

Feb. 21      German troops land in Finland.

Feb. 23      Turkish troops drive back the Russians in the northeast
             (Trebizond taken Feb. 26, Erzerum March 14).

Mar. 2       German and Ukrainian troops defeat the Bolsheviki near Kief
             in Ukrainia.

Mar. 3       Bolsheviki sign peace treaty with Germany at Brest-Litovsk.
             Ratified by Soviet Congress at Moscow March 15.

Mar. 7       Finland and Germany sign a treaty of peace.

_Mar. 10     Announcement that American troops are occupying trenches at
             four different points on French front._

_Mar. 11     First wholly American raid, made in sector north of Toul,
             meets with success._

Mar. 11      Great German air raid on Paris, by more than fifty planes.

Mar. 13      German troops occupy Odessa on Black Sea.

Mar. 21-     First German drive of the year, on 50-mile front, extending
Apr. 1       to Montdidier (page 143).

Apr. 9-18    Second German drive, on a 30-mile front between Ypres and
             Arras.

May 6        Roumania signs peace treaty with the Central Powers.

May 7        Nicaragua declares war on Germany and her allies.

May 9-10     British naval force attempts to block Ostend harbor.

May 14       Caucasus proclaims itself an independent state; but the Turks
             overrun the southern part, and take Baku Sept. 19.

May 21       British transport "Moldavia" is sunk _with loss of 53 American
             soldiers._

_May 24      Major General March appointed Chief of Staff with the rank of
             General._

May 24       Costa Rica declares war on the Central Powers.

_May 25-     German submarines appear off American coast and sink 19
June         coastwise vessels, including Porto Rico liner "Carolina"
             with loss of 16 lives._

May 27-      Third German drive, capturing the Chemin des Dames and
June 1       reaching the Marne River east of Chateau-Thierry. _American
             Marines aid French at Chateau-Thierry._

_May 28      American forces near Montdidier capture Tillage of Cantigny
             and hold it against numerous counter-attacks._

_May 31      U.S. transport "President Lincoln" sunk by U-boat while on
             her way to the United States; 23 lives lost_.

June 9-16    Fourth German drive, on 20-mile front east of Montdidier,
             makes only small gains.

June 10      Italian naval forces sink one Austrian dreadnaught and damage
             another in the Adriatic.

_June 11     American Marines take Belleau Wood, with 800 prisoners._

June 14      Turkish troops occupy Tabriz, Persia.

_June 15     General March announces that there are 800,000 American troops
             in France._

June 15-     Austrian offensive against Italy fails with heavy losses.
July 6

_June 21     Official statement that American forces hold 39 miles of
             French front in six sectors._

June 27      British hospital ship "Llandovery Castle" is torpedoed off
             Irish coast with loss of 234 lives. Only 24 survived.

July 10      Italians and French take Berat in Albania.

July 13      Czecho-Slovak troops occupy Irkutsk in Siberia.

_July 15-18  Anglo-American forces occupy strategic positions on the Murman
             Coast in northwestern Russia._

July 15-18   Fifth German drive extends three miles south of the Marne, but
             east of Rheims makes no gain.

July 16      Ex-Czar Nicholas executed by Bolshevik authorities.

July 18-     Second battle of the Marne, beginning with Foch's
Aug. 4       counter-offensive between Soissons and Chateau-Thierry. French
             _and Americans_ drive the Germans back from the Marne nearly
             to the Aisne.

July 22      Honduras declares war on Germany.

_July 27     American troops arrive on the Italian front._

_July 31     President Wilson takes over telegraph and telephone systems._

Aug. 2       Allies occupy Archangel, in northern Russia.

Aug. 8-      Allies attack successfully near Montdidier, and continue the
Sept.        drive until the Germans are back at the Hindenburg line,
             giving up practically all the ground they had gained this
             year.

_Aug. 15     American troops land in eastern Siberia._

_Sept. 3     The United States recognizes the Czecho-Slovak government._

_Sept. 12-13 Americans take the St. Mihiel salient near Metz._

Sept. 15     Allied army under Gen. D'Esperey begins campaign against
             Bulgarians.

_Sept. 16    President Wilson receives an Austrian proposal for a peace
             conference, and refuses it._

Sept. 22     Great victory of British and Arabs over Turks in Palestine.

_Sept. 26    Americans begin a drive in the Meuse valley._

Sept. 30     Bulgaria withdraws from the war.

Oct. 1       St. Quentin (on the Hindenburg line) taken by the French.

Oct. 1       Damascus captured by the British.

Oct. 3       King Ferdinand of Bulgaria abdicates.

Oct. 3       Lens taken by the British.

_Oct. 4      Germany asks President Wilson for an armistice and peace
             negotiations_ (page 150); _other notes Oct. 12, 20, etc.;
             similar notes from Austria-Hungary Oct. 7, and from Turkey
             Oct. 12. Wilson's replies Oct. 8, 14, 18, 23._

Oct. 7       Beirut taken by a French fleet.

Oct. 8       Cambrai taken by the British.

Oct. 13      Laon taken by the French.

Oct. 17      Ostend taken by the Belgians.

Oct. 17      Lille taken by the British.

Oct. 24-     Allied forces (chiefly Italians) under Gen. Diaz win a great
Nov. 4       victory on the Italian front.

Oct. 26      Aleppo taken by the British.

Oct. 31      Turkey surrenders.

Nov. 1       Serbian troops enter Belgrade after regaining nearly all
             of Serbia.

Nov. 3       Trieste and Trent occupied by Italian forces.

Nov. 4       Surrender of Austria-Hungary.

_Nov. 5      President Wilson notifies Germany that General Foch has been
             authorized by the United States and the Allies to communicate
             the terms of an armistice._

Nov. 6       Mutiny of German sailors at Kiel; followed by mutinies,
             revolts, and revolutions at other German cities.

_Nov. 7      Americans take Sedan_.

Nov. 9       British take Maubeuge.

Nov. 9       Announcement that the German emperor William II "has decided
             to renounce the throne"; he flees to Holland Nov. 10 and signs
             a formal abdication Nov. 28

Nov. 11     Armistice signed; Germany surrenders.





INDEX

Adrianople, taken, 65.
Africa, war in, 90-91.
Aircraft, 104, 109, 119-120, 153-154.
Aisne, battle of, 81.
Albania, 23-24, 59-65, 148.
Albanians, 62.
Allenby, General, 126, 148.
Allies, 75.
Alsace-Lorraine, 48-50, 13, 28;
  Wilson on, 175.
Americans, see United States.
Amiens, threatened, 143.
Antwerp,
  location, 30;
  captured, 81, 104.
Arbitration, 43.
Argentina, "_spurlos versenkt_," 133.
Armaments, 36, 41-42, 45.
Armed neutrality, 131.
Armenia, 110.
Australia, 22, 89.
Austria, 12, 15-16;
  see Austria-Hungary.
Austria-Hungary,
  before the war, 15-17;
  Balkan ambitions, 52, 63;
  Triple Alliance, 56-57;
  backs Turkey, 63, 65;
  trouble with Serbia, 68-73;
  precipitates the war, 70, 72;
  in the war, 84-87, 97-99, 112-114, 122-123, 127-128, 147, 149;
  Wilson on, 176.

Bagdad, taken, 125.
Balkan states, 23-24, 52-53, 59-66;
  races in, 59-62;
  in the war, see Serbia, Bulgaria, Roumania;
  Wilson on, 177.
Balkan Wars, 64-65.
Baltic provinces, 30, 137.
Battles:
  Marne, 81;
  Aisne, 81;
  Flanders, 82;
  Tannenberg, 85;
  Ypres, 95;
  Mazurian Lakes, 97;
  Verdun, 107;
  Somme, 108;
  Vimy Ridge, 118;
  Cambrai, 119;
  Picardy, 143;
  second Marne, 146;
  Piave, 147, 149.
Beatty, Admiral, 114.
Belgium,
  before the war, 18, 30;
  neutrality; 19, 78;
  in the war, 78-80, 149;
  German occupation of, 82-84;
  Wilson on, 175.
Belgrade, taken, 87.
Berlin-Bagdad Railway, 32, 125.
Bernstorff, Count von, 128-129.
Bessarabia, 138.
Bismarck, 12-13.
Boers, in the war, 90.
Bolsheviki, 123-125, 135-140.
Bosnia, 69.
Bosporus, 51.
Botha, General, 90.
Brazil, enters the war, 133.
Brest-Litovsk, peace of, 136-138.
Brusilov, General, 112.
Bukowina, invaded, 112.
Bulgaria,
  before the war, 23-24, 59-65;
  Balkan wars, 64-65;
  in the Great War, 97-98, 113, 147-148;
  surrenders, 148.
Bulgars, 61.

Calais, threatened, 81.
Cambrai,
  battle of, 119;
  taken, 150.
Canada, 22, 118, 119.
Casement, Sir Roger, 117.
Cavour, Count, 17-18.
Central Powers, 65.
Chemin des Dames, 119.
Chile, naval battle near, 93.
Colonies, 10;
  Germany's desire for, 31, 54-55;
  Wilson on, 174.
Constantine, King, 98.
Constantinople, 51-52.
Courland, 137.
Czar, 23-24, 120-121.
Czecho-Slovaks, 139-140.

Damascus, taken, 148.
Dardanelles, 51, 96.
  Wilson on, 178.
Democratic movements, 8, 121.
_Der Tag_, 67.
D'Esperey, General, 147.
Dewey, Admiral, 54.
Diaz, General, 149.
Dobrudja, 62, 113, 138.
Dublin, in rebellion, 117.
Duma, 120-121.

East Prussia, 30;
  invaded, 85, 97.
_Emden_, cruise of, 92-93.
England, 21;
  see Great Britain.
Erzerum, captured, 111.
Esthonia, 137.

Falkland Is., naval battle, 93.
Finland, 136-137.
Flame-thrower, 95.
Flanders, battles of, 82, 143.
Foch, General, 143-149.
Food and fuel control in U.S., 154-156.
France,
  before the war, 19-20, 13;
  Triple Entente, 57-58;
  enters the war, 73-74;
  in the war, 77-84, 95, 107-109, 118-120, 141-150.
Francis Ferdinand, assassinated, 70.
Francis Joseph, 16.
Franco-Prussian War, 13, 20, 28-29.
Freedom of the seas, Wilson on, 172.

Galicia, in the war, 86, 97, 112, 122-123.
Gallipoli campaign, 96.
Garibaldi, 17.
Gas, used in warfare, 95, 142.
George, Lloyd, on Alsace-Lorraine, 48.
Gerard, Ambassador, 129.
German propaganda in U.S., 165-167.
Germany,
  before the war, 12-14;
  why Germany wanted war, 27-34;
  German militarism, 34-37;
  opposition to peace movements, 39, 42-46;
  colonial ambitions, 31, 53-56;
  Triple Alliance, 56-57;
  backs Turkey, 63-65;
  preparations for Great War, 67-68;
  precipitates the war, 70, 72-75;
  in the war, 77-109, 113-150;
  treatment of occupied territory, 82-84;
  loses colonies, 89-91;
  navy, 37, 91-94, 101-103, 114-116, 128-130, 164;
  blockaded, 92, 100;
  aircraft, 104-105;
  peace offensive (1917, 1918), 135-138;
  new tactics (1918), 141-142;
  defeated, asks for peace, 149-150.
Gorizia, taken, 114.
Great Britain,
  before the war, 21-23;
  colonies, 11, 22, 105;
  danger from Germany, 32, 37;
  Triple Entente, 58;
  efforts for peace, 72-73;
  enters the war, 74-75;
  army in France, 79-82, 95, 108-109, 118-119, 141-149;
  in Africa, 90;
  navy, 91-94;
  in Gallipoli, 96;
  in Mesopotamia, 111-112, 125;
  conscription, 116;
  in Palestine, 125-126, 148.
Great War,
  causes, 5, 27, 34, 48, 67;
  declarations, 73;
  in 1914, 77;
  in 1915, 95;
  in 1916, 107;
  in 1917, 118;
  in 1918, 135;
  United States in, 130-133, 152;
  peace problems, 168.
Greece,
  before the war, 23-24, 59-65;
  Balkan wars, 64-65;
  in the Great War, 98, 147.
Greeks, 62.
Grey, Sir Edward, 72.
Guynemer, French airman, 119.

Hague Conferences, 41-46.
Hague Conventions, 45.
Hague Peace Tribunal, 43-44.
Helgoland Bight, battle, 92.
Herzegovina, 69.
Hindenburg, von, General, 85, 97.
Hindenburg line, 118, 149.
Holy Allies, 8, 9.
Hungary, 15-16;
  see Austria-Hungary.

Indemnity, 27, 29.
Industrial development of Europe, 9.
International law, 38-40, 45.
Ireland, rebellion in, 116-117.
Isonzo River, 114.
Italia Irredenta; Wilson on.
Italy,
  before the war, 17-18;
  in Triple Alliance, 57;
  refuses to support Austria against Serbia, 69;
  neutral, 75;
  in the war, 99, 114, 127-128, 147, 149.

Japan, in the war, 89-90, 140.
Jerusalem, captured, 126.
Joffre, General, 81.
Jugo-Slavs, 61, 69-70.
Junkers, 14, 30-31.
Jutland, battle of, 114-115.

Kaiser, 13, 14.
Kaiser's battle, 141.
Kerensky, Alexander, 122-123.
Kiaochow, 90.
Kiel Canal, 68.
Kitchener, Lord, prediction of, 105.
Knights of Columbus, 160.
Kultur, 34.
Kut-el-Amara, 111-112, 125.

Laon, taken, 150.
League of Nations, Wilson's proposal, 179.
League of Three Emperors, 56.
Lemberg, taken, 86, 97.
Lenine, 123, 136.
Lens, taken, 149.
Liberty motor, 154.
Liege, taken, 79.
Lille, taken, 81, 149.
Lithuania, 137.
Little Russians, 136.
Livonia, 137.
Loans, U.S., 158.
London, air raids, 104.
Lorraine, 28;
  see Alsace-Lorraine.
Lusitania, sunk, 102-103.
Luxemburg, 78, 79.

Macedonia, 61-65.
Maps:
  Europe, 6;
  Berlin-Bagdad railway, 32;
  Alsace-Lorraine, 49;
  Italia Irredenta, 50;
  Balkan States, 60;
  Western Front in 1914, 80;
  Eastern Front in 1914, 85;
  German colonies and early naval engagements, 88;
  Turkey, 110;
  European Fronts in 1917, 124;
  Naval War Zones in 1917, 128;
  Brest-Litovsk Treaty, 137;
  Western Front in 1918, 145.
Marne, battles of the, 81, 146.
Mazurian Lakes, battle of, 97.
Mesopotamia, war in, 111, 125.
Militarism, 34.
Mine fields, in the sea, 91-92.
Mittel-Europa, 64.
Montenegro, 59, 61, 64, 98.
Morocco question, 55.
Munitions, ministers of, 105.

Napoleon Bonaparte, 7, 19.
Napoleon III, 20.
National aspirations, 9, 15, 117, 136-137.
Nations, community of, 38-39, 179.
Naval operations, 91-94, 100-103, 114-116, 129, 152, 163-165.
Neutral trade, 100-102.
Nicholas II, 40, 121.

Palestine, war in, 125-126, 148.
Pan-Germanists, 31.
Pan-Serbism, 70-71.
Pan-Slavic movement, 52.
Paris, threatened, 77-81, 142, 144.
Passchendaele Ridge, taken, 119.
Peace,
  movement, 40;
  proposed by Germany, 135-138, 150;
  with Russia and Roumania, 137-138;
  questions of the coming peace, 168-179.
Pershing, General, 143, 146.
Persius, Captain, quoted, 129.
Pétain, General, 108.
Petrograd, revolutions at, 121, 123.
Philippines, German fleet at, 54.
Piave River, 128, 147, 149.
Picardy, battle of, 143.
Poison gas, 95, 142.
Poland,
  in the war, 84-86, 97, 137;
  Wilson on, 178.
Potsdam conference, 70.
Propaganda, 165-167.
Prussia, 12-14, 27, 28, 35;
  see Germany.
Przemysl, 86, 97.

Red Cross, 160.
Rheims, bombarded, 119.
Riga, taken, 124.
Roosevelt, President, 45, 55.
Roumania,
  before the war, 23-24, 59-65;
  Balkan War, 65;
  in the Great War, 112-113;
  peace, 138.
Roumanians, 62.
Russia,
  before the war, 24-25;
  Balkan ambitions, 51-53, 63;
  Triple Entente, 57-58;
  enters war, 73-74;
  in the war, 84-89, 97, 110-112, 122-124, 136;
  Revolution, 120-123;
  Bolsheviki control, 123;
  separate peace, 135-138;
  Allied intervention, 138-140;
  Wilson on, 174.

St. Quentin, taken, 149.
Salonica, 65;
  Allied army at, 98, 147.
Samoan difficulty, 54.
Schools, work of, 160.
"Scrap of paper," 78.
Serajevo, assassination at, 70.
Serbia,
  before the war, 23-34, 59-65;
  Balkan wars, 64-65;
  trouble with Austria-Hungary, 69-73;
  in the war, 87, 98, 147-148;
  Wilson on, 177.
Serbs, 61, 68-70.
Shipbuilding in U.S., 157.
Shock troops, 142.
Siberia, in the war, 139-140.
Sick man of Europe, 63.
Sinn Fein rebellion, 116-117.
Slavs, 52, 61.
Smuts, General, 90.
Socialists, in Russia, 122-123.
Somme, battle of the, 108-109.
South Africa, 22, 90-91.
Spanish America, in the war, 133.
_Spurlos versenkt_, 133.
Submarine warfare, 101-103, 115-116, 128-130, 163-165.
Survival of the Fittest, 33.
_Sussex_, torpedoed, 115-116.
Syria, war in, 148-149.

Tanks, 109, 119, 146.
Tannenberg, battle of, 85.
Tirpitz, von, Admiral, 101.
Townshend, General, 111-112.
Transylvania, 112-113.
Trebizond, captured, 111.
Trench warfare, 82.
Trentino, 51, 114.
Trieste, 16, 51, 114, 127.
Triple Alliance, 56-57.
Triple Entente, 57-58.
Trotzky, 123-136.
Turkey,
  before the war, 23-24, 52, 53, 62;
  Balkan wars, 64-65;
  enters the war, 87-89;
  in the war, 96, 110-112, 125-126, 138, 148;
  Wilson on, 178.

U-boats, 101;
  see Submarine warfare.
Ukrainia, 136-137.
United States,
  danger from Germany, 54-55;
  neutral trade, 100, 102, 131;
  protests against submarining, 103, 116, 129;
  enters the war, 130-133;
  army in France, 145-147, 150, 163;
  in the war, 152-167;
  navy, 152;
  raising an army, 152-153;
  aircraft, 153;
  food control, 154;
  fuel control, 155;
  transportation control, 156;
  shipbuilding, 157;
  seizes German ships, 158;
  paying for the war, 158-159;
  Red Cross, etc., 160;
  rise in prices, 161;
  German propaganda, 165-167;
  peace problems, 168-171.

Venezuela, Germany in, 55.
Venice, threatened, 128.
Verdun, battle of, 107-108.
Victor Emmanuel, 18.
Vienna, conference of 1815, 7.
Vimy Ridge, taken, 118.

War, see Great War;
  war as a profitable business, 27.
War Savings Stamps, 159.
Wilson, President,
  _Lusitania_ case, 103;
  _Sussex_ case, 116;
  breaks with Germany, 128-129;
  asks for declaration of war, 132;
  fourteen-point address (Jan. 8, 1918), 135, 171-179;
  peace notes of 1918, 150.
Wounded, care of, 169.

Young Men's Christian Association, 160.
Ypres, battle of, 95.
Yser River, 82.

Zeppelins, 104.
Zimmerman note, 130.






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